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In May , Glenn Greenwald set out for Hong Kong to meet an anonymous source who claimed to have astonishing evidence of pervasive government spying and insisted on communicating only through heavily encrypted channels. Going beyond NSA specifics, Greenwald also takes on the establishment media, excoriating their habitual avoidance of adversarial reporting on the government and their failure to serve the interests of the people.

Coming at a landmark moment in American history, No Place to Hide is a fearless, incisive, and essential contribution to our understanding of the U. He was a columnist for The Guardian until October and is now a founding editor of a new media outlet, The Intercept.

He also received the first annual I. Stone Award for Independent Journalism in and a Online Journalism Award for his investigative work on the arrest and detention of Chelsea Manning. In , Greenwald led the Guardian reporting that was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for public service.

For discussion of these documents, please see the book at the page numbers indicated. Glenn Greenwald interviewed on Anderson Cooper Glenn Greenwald interviewed on The Today Show. Glenn Greenwald interviewed on Democracy Now! Terms of Use Privacy Policy. Click here to expand the Excerpt to view on your screen. On December 1, , I received my first communication from Edward Snowden, although I had no idea at the time that it was from him.

The contact came in the form of an email from someone calling himself Cincinnatus, a reference to Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, the Roman farmer who, in the fifth century BC, was appointed dictator of Rome to defend the city against attack.

The program essentially wraps every email in a protective shield, which is a code composed of hundreds, or even thousands, of random numbers and case-sensitive letters. The most advanced intelligence agencies around the world—a class that certainly includes the National Security Agency—possess password-cracking software capable of one billion guesses per second.

But so lengthy and random are these PGP encryption codes that even the most sophisticated software requires many years to break them. People who most fear having their communications monitored, such as intelligence operatives, spies, human rights activists, and hackers, trust this form of encryption to protect their messages. Had Petraeus encrypted his messages before handing them over to Gmail or storing them in his drafts folder, he wrote, investigators would not have been able to read them.

Then he offered to help me install the program: You have many technically-proficient followers who are willing to offer immediate assistance. Using encryption software was something I had long intended to do. I had been writing for years about WikiLeaks, whistle-blowers, the hacktivist collective known as Anonymous, and related topics, and had also communicated from time to time with people inside the US national security establishment.

Most of them are very concerned about the security of their communications and preventing unwanted monitoring. But the program is complicated, especially for someone who had very little skill in programming and computers, like me. So it was one of those things I had never gotten around to doing. And at any given moment I am usually working on more stories than I can handle. I read it but did not reply.

Three days later, I heard from C. This time I replied quickly. Encryption for Dummies, in essence. I can facilitate contact with people who understand crypto almost anywhere in the world. Despite my intentions, I never created the time to work on encryption. Seven weeks went by, and my failure to do this weighed a bit on my mind.

What if this person really did have an important story, one I would miss just because I failed to install a computer program? Apart from anything else, I knew encryption might be valuable in the future, even if Cincinnatus turned out to have nothing of interest. On January 28, , I emailed C.

If you need any further help or have questions in the future, you will always be welcome to reach out. Please accept my sincerest thanks for your support of communications privacy! But yet again, I did nothing, consumed as I was at the time with other stories, and still unconvinced that C. There was no conscious decision to do nothing. It was simply that on my always too-long list of things to take care of, installing encryption technology at the behest of this unknown person never became pressing enough for me to stop other things and focus on it.

He was unwilling to tell me anything specific about what he had, or even who he was and where he worked, unless I installed encryption. But without the enticement of specifics, it was not a priority to respond to his request and take the time to install the program. In the face of my inaction, C. He produced a ten-minute video entitled PGP for Journalists.

Using software that generates a computer voice, the video instructed me in an easy, step-by-step fashion how to install encryption software, complete with charts and visuals. Still I did nothing. It was at that point that C. The next I heard of any of this was ten weeks later. On April 18, I flew from my home in Rio de Janeiro to New York, where I was scheduled to give some talks on the dangers of government secrecy and civil liberties abuses done in the name of the War on Terror.

I take seriously any message from Laura Poitras. At the height of the worst violence of the Iraq War, she ventured into the Sunni Triangle to make My Country, My Country , an unflinching look at life under US occupation that was nominated for an Academy award. Since then, Poitras has been working on a documentary about NSA surveillance. The three films, conceived as a trilogy about US conduct during the War on Terror, made her a constant target of harassment by government authorities every time she entered or left the country.

Through Laura, I learned a valuable lesson. By the time we first met, in , she had been detained in airports by the Department of Homeland Security more than three dozen times as she entered the United States—interrogated, threatened, her materials seized, including her laptop, cameras, and notebooks.

Yet she repeatedly decided not to go public with the relentless harassment, fearing that the repercussions would make her work impossible. That changed after an unusually abusive interrogation at Newark Liberty International Airport. Laura had had enough. The article I published in the online political magazine Salon detailing the constant interrogations to which Poitras had been subjected received substantial attention, drawing statements of support and denunciations of the harassment.

The next time Poitras flew out of the United States after the article ran, there was no interrogation and she did not have her materials seized.

Over the next couple of months, there was no harassment. For the first time in years, Laura was able to travel freely. The lesson for me was clear: They act abusively and thuggishly only when they believe they are safe, in the dark. Secrecy is the linchpin of abuse of power, we discovered, its enabling force.

Transparency is the only real antidote. Laura then got down to business. Since I had my cell phone with me, Laura asked that I either remove the battery or leave it in my hotel room. Powering off the phone or laptop does not defeat the capability: After discovering that the battery on my cell phone could not be removed, I took it back to my room, then returned to the restaurant. Now Laura began to talk. She had received a series of anonymous emails from someone who seemed both honest and serious.

He claimed to have access to some extremely secret and incriminating documents about the US government spying on its own citizens and on the rest of the world. He was determined to leak these documents to her and had specifically requested that she work with me on releasing and reporting on them.

I made no connection at the time to the long-since-forgotten emails I had received from Cincinnatus months earlier. They had been parked at the back of my mind, out of view. Laura then pulled several pages out of her purse from two of the emails sent by the anonymous leaker, and I read them at the table from start to finish. The second of the emails, sent weeks after the first, began: After urging her to always remove batteries from cell phones before talking about sensitive matters—or, at least, to put the phones in the freezer, where their eavesdropping capability would be impeded—the leaker told Laura that she should work with me on these documents.

He then got to the crux of what he viewed as his mission:. The shock of this initial period [after the first revelations] will provide the support needed to build a more equal internet, but this will not work to the advantage of the average person unless science outpaces law.

By understanding the mechanisms through which our privacy is violated, we can win here. We can guarantee for all people equal protection against unreasonable search through universal laws, but only if the technical community is willing to face the threat and commit to implementing over-engineered solutions.

In the end, we must enforce a principle whereby the only way the powerful may enjoy privacy is when it is the same kind shared by the ordinary: We had no idea who was writing to her. He could have been anyone. He could have been inventing the entire tale. This also could have been some sort of plot by the government to entrap us into collaborating with a criminal leak. Or perhaps it had come from someone who sought to damage our credibility by passing on fraudulent documents to publish.

We discussed all these possibilities. The report ironically leaked to WikiLeaks discussed the possibility of passing on fraudulent documents. If WikiLeaks published them as authentic, it would suffer a serious blow to its credibility. Laura and I were aware of all the pitfalls but we discounted them, relying instead on our intuition. Something intangible yet powerful about those emails convinced us that their author was genuine.

He wrote out of a belief in the dangers of government secrecy and pervasive spying; I instinctively recognized his political passion. I felt a kinship with our correspondent, with his worldview, and with the sense of urgency that was clearly consuming him.

Data Encryption Standard - Wikipedia

On 14 June , UK's Sunday Times reported that Russian and Chinese intelligence services had decrypted more than 1 million classified files in the Snowden cache, forcing the UK's MI6 intelligence agency to move agents out of live operations in hostile countries.

The Sunday Times said it was not clear whether Russia and China stole Snowden's data or whether Snowden voluntarily handed it over to remain at liberty in Hong Kong and Moscow. Snowden then contacted documentary filmmaker Laura Poitras in January Greenwald began working with Snowden in either February [97] or April , after Poitras asked Greenwald to meet her in New York City, at which point Snowden began providing documents to them.

Snowden communicated using encrypted email , [95] and going by the codename " Verax ". He asked not to be quoted at length for fear of identification by stylometry. According to Gellman, prior to their first meeting in person, Snowden wrote, "I understand that I will be made to suffer for my actions, and that the return of this information to the public marks my end.

In May , Snowden was permitted temporary leave from his position at the NSA in Hawaii, on the pretext of receiving treatment for his epilepsy. After disclosing the copied documents, Snowden promised that nothing would stop subsequent disclosures. In June , he said, "All I can say right now is the US government is not going to be able to cover this up by jailing or murdering me. Truth is coming, and it cannot be stopped. On May 20, , Snowden flew to Hong Kong , [82] where he was staying when the initial articles based on the leaked documents were published, [] beginning with The Guardian on June 5.

The Guardian ' s chief editor, Alan Rusbridger , credited Snowden for having performed a public service. The ongoing publication of leaked documents has revealed previously unknown details of a global surveillance apparatus run by the United States' NSA [] in close cooperation with three of its Five Eyes partners: On June 5, , media reports documenting the existence and functions of classified surveillance programs and their scope began and continued throughout the entire year.

He said the U. The NSA's top-secret black budget , obtained from Snowden by The Washington Post , exposed the successes and failures of the 16 spy agencies comprising the U.

It was revealed that the NSA was harvesting millions of email and instant messaging contact lists, [] searching email content, [] tracking and mapping the location of cell phones, [] undermining attempts at encryption via Bullrun [] [] and that the agency was using cookies to piggyback on the same tools used by Internet advertisers "to pinpoint targets for government hacking and to bolster surveillance.

The agency's intelligence-gathering operations had targeted, among others, oil giant Petrobras , Brazil's largest company. In October , Glenn Greenwald said "the most shocking and significant stories are the ones we are still working on, and have yet to publish. By October , Snowden's disclosures had created tensions [] [] between the U. Their stated goal was to "dramatically increase mastery of the global network" and to acquire adversaries' data from "anyone, anytime, anywhere.

Snowden said in a January interview with German television that the NSA does not limit its data collection to national security issues, accusing the agency of conducting industrial espionage.

Using the example of German company Siemens , he said, "If there's information at Siemens that's beneficial to US national interests—even if it doesn't have anything to do with national security—then they'll take that information nevertheless.

In February , during testimony to the European Union, Snowden said of the remaining undisclosed programs, "I will leave the public interest determinations as to which of these may be safely disclosed to responsible journalists in coordination with government stakeholders.

The newspaper said it had examined documents including emails, message texts, and online accounts, that support the claim. In an August interview, Snowden for the first time disclosed a cyberwarfare program in the works, codenamed MonsterMind , that would automate detection of a foreign cyberattack as it began and automatically fire back.

And then we end up shooting back at a Russian hospital. Snowden first contemplated leaking confidential documents around but held back, partly because he believed the newly elected Barack Obama might introduce reforms. Snowden said he wanted to "embolden others to step forward" by demonstrating that "they can win. In December , upon learning that a U.

In January , Snowden said his "breaking point" was "seeing the Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper, directly lie under oath to Congress. Seeing that really meant for me there was no going back. Beyond that, it was the creeping realization that no one else was going to do this. The public had a right to know about these programs. In May , Snowden took a leave of absence, telling his supervisors he was returning to the mainland for epilepsy treatment, but instead left Hawaii for Hong Kong [] where he arrived on May Snowden told Guardian reporters in June that he had been in his room at the Mira Hotel since his arrival in the city, rarely going out.

Snowden vowed to challenge any extradition attempt by the U. Glenn Greenwald said Snowden was motivated by a need to "ingratiate himself to the people of Hong Kong and China. After leaving the Mira Hotel, Snowden stayed in a cramped apartment with other refugees seeking asylum in Hong Kong, an arrangement set up by Tibbo to hide from the authorities.

They haven't been able to, because it's false. State Department spokesman rejected the explanation of technical noncompliance, accusing the Hong Kong government of deliberately releasing a fugitive despite a valid arrest warrant and after having sufficient time to prohibit his travel. In October , Snowden said that before flying to Moscow, he gave all the classified documents he had obtained to journalists he met in Hong Kong, and kept no copies for himself.

He asserted "a planeload of reporters documented the seat I was supposed to be in" when he was ticketed for Havana , but the U. According to Greenwald, Snowden's passport was valid when he departed Hong Kong but was revoked during the hours he was in transit to Moscow, preventing him from obtaining a ticket to leave Russia. Greenwald said Snowden was thus forced to stay in Moscow and seek asylum. According to one Russian report, Snowden planned to fly from Moscow through Havana to Latin America; however, Cuba told Moscow it would not allow the Aeroflot plane carrying Snowden to land.

Following Snowden's arrival in Moscow, the White House expressed disappointment in Hong Kong's decision to allow him to leave. Secretary of State John Kerry said that Snowden's passport was cancelled "within two hours" of the charges against Snowden being made public [3] which was Friday, June Without any judicial order, the administration now seeks to stop me exercising a basic right.

A right that belongs to everybody. The right to seek asylum. Four countries offered Snowden permanent asylum: Ecuador, Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Venezuela. Snowden said in July that he decided to bid for asylum in Russia because he felt there was no safe way to reach Latin America.

On the issue, he said "some governments in Western European and North American states have demonstrated a willingness to act outside the law, and this behavior persists today. This unlawful threat makes it impossible for me to travel to Latin America and enjoy the asylum granted there in accordance with our shared rights. Four months after Snowden received asylum in Russia, Julian Assange commented, "While Venezuela and Ecuador could protect him in the short term, over the long term there could be a change in government.

In Russia, he's safe, he's well-regarded, and that is not likely to change. That was my advice to Snowden, that he would be physically safest in Russia. In an October interview with The Nation magazine, Snowden reiterated that he had originally intended to travel to Latin America: They did not want that; they chose to keep me in Russia.

On July 1, , president Evo Morales of Bolivia , who had been attending a conference in Russia, suggested during an interview with Russia Today that he would consider a request by Snowden for asylum. Assange responded that the plan "was not completely honest, but we did consider that the final result would have justified our actions.

The result was caused by the United States' intervention. We can only regret what happened. Snowden applied for political asylum to 21 countries.

Biden had telephoned President Rafael Correa days prior to Snowden's remarks, asking the Ecuadorian leader not to grant Snowden asylum. After evaluating the law and Snowden's situation, the French interior ministry rejected his request for asylum. Germany and India rejected Snowden's application outright, while Austria, Ecuador, Finland, Norway, Italy, the Netherlands, and Spain said he must be on their territory to apply. Putin said on July 1, , that if Snowden wanted to be granted asylum in Russia , he would be required to "stop his work aimed at harming our American partners.

In a July 12 meeting at Sheremetyevo Airport with representatives of human rights organizations and lawyers, organized in part by the Russian government, [] Snowden said he was accepting all offers of asylum that he had already received or would receive. He added that Venezuela's grant of asylum formalized his asylee status, removing any basis for state interference with his right to asylum.

Amid media reports in early July attributed to U. Attorney General Eric Holder repudiated Snowden's claim to refugee status, and offered a limited validity passport good for direct return to the U. On June 14, , United States federal prosecutors filed a criminal complaint against Snowden, charging him with theft of government property and two counts of violating the Espionage Act of through unauthorized communication of national defense information and willful communication of classified communications intelligence information to an unauthorized person.

The charge was initially secret and was unsealed a week later. Snowden was asked in a January interview about returning to the U. Snowden explained why he rejected the request: They don't allow me to defend myself in an open court to the public and convince a jury that what I did was to their benefit. So it's, I would say, illustrative that the President would choose to say someone should face the music when he knows the music is a show trial.

He was not granted permanent political asylum. A subject of controversy, Snowden has been variously called a hero , [] [] [] a whistleblower , [] [] [] [] a dissident , [] a patriot , [] [] [] and a traitor. Numerous high-ranking current or former U.

In June , U. Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont wrote on his blog, "Love him or hate him, we all owe Snowden our thanks for forcing upon the nation an important debate. But the debate shouldn't be about him. It should be about the gnawing questions his actions raised from the shadows. Snowden said in December that he was "inspired by the global debate" ignited by the leaks and that NSA's "culture of indiscriminate global espionage At the end of , however, The Washington Post noted that the public debate and its offshoots had produced no meaningful change in policy, with the status quo continuing.

In , on The Axe Files podcast , former U. Attorney General Eric Holder said that Snowden "performed a public service by raising the debate that we engaged in and by the changes that we made.

In September , the bipartisan U. House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence completed a review of the Snowden disclosures and said that the federal government would have to spend millions of dollars responding to the fallout from Snowden's disclosures.

In August , President Obama said that he had called for a review of U. Stone said there was no evidence that the bulk collection of phone data had stopped any terror attacks. On June 6, , in the wake of Snowden's leaks, conservative public interest lawyer and Judicial Watch founder Larry Klayman filed a lawsuit claiming that the federal government had unlawfully collected metadata for his telephone calls and was harassing him. Obama , Judge Richard J.

Leon referred to the NSA's "almost-Orwellian technology" and ruled the bulk telephony metadata program to be probably unconstitutional. Pauley III came to the opposite conclusion. Clapper , although acknowledging that privacy concerns are not trivial, Pauley found that the potential benefits of surveillance outweigh these considerations and ruled that the NSA's collection of phone data is legal.

Gary Schmitt, former staff director of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, wrote that "The two decisions have generated public confusion over the constitutionality of the NSA's data collection program—a kind of judicial 'he-said, she-said' standoff. The decision voided U. District Judge William Pauley's December finding that the NSA program was lawful, and remanded the case to him for further review.

The appeals court did not rule on the constitutionality of the bulk surveillance, and declined to enjoin the program, noting the pending expiration of relevant parts of the Patriot Act. Circuit Judge Gerard E. Lynch wrote that, given the national security interests at stake, it was prudent to give Congress an opportunity to debate and decide the matter. On June 2, , the U. Senate passed, and President Obama signed, the USA Freedom Act which restored in modified form several provisions of the Patriot Act that had expired the day before, while for the first time imposing some limits on the bulk collection of telecommunication data on U.

The new restrictions were widely seen as stemming from Snowden's revelations. The non-binding resolution denounced unwarranted digital surveillance and included a symbolic declaration of the right of all individuals to online privacy. In an official report published in October , the United Nations special rapporteur for the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of speech, Professor David Kaye , criticized the U.

The report found that Snowden's revelations were important for people everywhere and made "a deep and lasting impact on law, policy and politics. Surveys conducted by news outlets and professional polling organizations found that American public opinion was divided on Snowden's disclosures, and that those polled in Canada and Europe were more supportive of Snowden than respondents in the U.

For his global surveillance disclosures, Snowden has been honored by publications and organizations based in Europe and the United States. He was voted as The Guardian ' s person of the year , garnering four times the number of votes as any other candidate. He participated by teleconference carried over multiple routers running the Google Hangouts platform.

Represented on stage by a robot with a video screen, video camera, microphones and speakers, Snowden conversed with TED curator Chris Anderson , and told the attendees that online businesses should act quickly to encrypt their websites. In March , while speaking at the FIFDH international human rights film festival he made a public appeal for Switzerland to grant him asylum, saying he would like to return to live in Geneva, where he once worked undercover for the Central Intelligence Agency.

Whistleblowers, National Security and Free Expression," event. These are dangerous, dangerous things, and if some code gets written in an Apple product that lets people in, bad people are going to find their way to it, very likely. Apple has blasted the US government's legal arguments as "an exercise in wishful thinking" in the final court filing before its court battle with the FBI.

The company said that the government's interpretation of the All Writs Act of - the legislation law enforcement is using to strong-arm Apple into complying with its requests - "is not statutory interpretation". As the government wishes to apply it, Apple contended, the act would have "no limiting principle".

The government, in turn, has been making veiled threats about requisitioning Apple's source code and signing key. This would essentially allow it to crack into any Apple product at will. The company has said that this warning highlights "the government's fundamental misunderstanding or reckless disregard of the technology at issue and the security risks implicated by its suggestion". Apple has reacted angrily to the latest court filing from the US Department of Justice DoJ in its ongoing attempt to get the Cupertino company to help it break into a locked iPhone 5c.

In its filing, which can be read here , the DoJ said: That is a diversion. The DoJ also accused Apple of using "rhetoric [that is] not only false, but also corrosive", and of "extolling itself as the primary guardian of Americans' privacy". It also raised the fact Apple has co-operated with the demands of other nations, singling out china in particular. In response, Bruce Sewell, Apple's general counsel and SVP of legal and government affairs, told a press conference that the filing "reads like an indictment".

This should be deeply offensive to everyone that reads it. An unsupported, unsubstantiated effort to vilify Apple rather than confront the issues in the case. Everyone should beware because it seems like disagreeing with the Department of Justice means you must be evil and anti-American.

Nothing could be further from the truth," Sewell concluded. An Apple executive fears that the FBI could eventually secretly spy on your phone camera and microphone if it succeeds in forcing Apple to help weaken an iPhone's security.

Those are things we can't do now. Cue, however, claimed that it is the equivalent of giving them a key to the back door of everybody's houses. And we have a key that opens all phones. And that key, once it exists, exists not only for us. Terrorists, criminals, pirates, all too will find that key to open all phones.

They are the people we are trying to protect people from. We are not protecting the government," he said. They have a very difficult job, they are there to protect us. So we want to help as much as possible, but we can not help them in a way that will help more criminals, terrorists, pirates. US magistrate judge James Orenstein ruled in late February that the tech company was not required to open an iPhone involved in a routine narcotics case.

In a page brief, the DoJ asked a federal court in Brooklyn to overturn the decision, stating that it sets "an unprecedented limitation" on its judicial authority. In both Orenstein's drugs case and the investigation into the San Bernardino shootings, which is at the centre of the FBI's request for Apple to help it break into the device, the government has attempted to use the All Writs Act to compel Apple to divulge information kept on the devices. However, while federal judges have sided with the FBI regarding the San Bernardino case by ordering the company to render "reasonable technical assistance" to investigators, Judge Orenstein has not.

Instead, he ruled that using the All Writs Act to force access to the device would "thoroughly undermine fundamental principles of the Constitution". The government has also argued that while the San Bernardino case would involve Apple writing custom software to bypass security features, the New York drugs trial involved pre-established data extraction methods that have already been used in previous cases. Craig Federighi, senior vice president of software engineering at the tech giant, said that by returning to iOS 7 security standards, hackers would be well-poised to hack into people's iPhones.

They have suggested that the safeguards of iOS 7 were good enough and that we should simply go back to the security standards of The law enforcement agency wants Apple to assist it in removing a security barrier on the iPhone of Syed Farook, one of the people responsible for killing 14 people in San Bernardino last year.

Apple - and other Silicon Valley firms - believe that setting such a precedent would harm American citizens, and is fighting the case in a California court and Congress. Doing anything to hamper that mission would be a serious mistake". No specific instances were listed in the documents the group presented.

DA claims iPhone was "cyber pathogen" trigger The iPhone at the centre of the Apple-FBI dispute may have been used to release a " cyber pathogen" on the infrastructure of San Bernardino, according to the District Attorney for the county. Apple is fighting back against the FBI's demand that it create an alternative operating system for the iPhone, so the agency can try as many passwords as possible on the phone without triggering the device's in-built security barrier that wipes its data after 10 incorrect password attempts.

However, the DA did not refer to any proof to back up his suspicions, and the county told Ars that it had nothing to do with filing the brief. He said in a statement: Facebook, Dropbox, Cisco and Yahoo also signed the legal brief, which their lawyers submitted to the district court of California, ahead of a hearing on 22 March.

The FBI wants Apple to write a new version of its operating system that would mean the iPhone would not wipe its data after 10 incorrect password attempts.

Box founder Aaron Levie was the latest to call for a public discussion of the issue, saying after the legal briefs were filed: Instead, we need an open, public dialogue focused on helping us collectively strike the right balance between privacy and security. The opposing sides made their opening remarks to a congressional judiciary panel on Tuesday, the Associated Press reported.

That data, stored on Apple servers, held backups of the phone. Had the password not been reset, the phone may have made a fresh backup available to investigators for further inspection. However, in the past month, judges have issued conflicting opinions on whether or not companies should help law enforcement break encryption.

Apple filed an appeal against this ruling late on Tuesday night. Following these two conflicting rulings, Comey said Congress must address the wider collision between privacy and public safety.

New York case could set tone for California rematch In a significant turn of events, a judge in New York has ruled Apple cannot be forced to unlock an iPhone, deeming that such an action under the All Writs Act would likely be unconstitutional. The case, which involves an iPhone retrieved as part of a drugs investigation, is similar to the one Apple is currently fighting in California, where judge Sheri Pym of the US District Court in LA ruled Apple must provide "reasonable technical assistance" to FBI investigators who want to gain access to the iPhone 5c of San Bernardino shooter Syed Farook.

In both cases, the government has used a catch-all piece of legislation known as the All Writs Act to attempt to compel Apple to break its own security protocols. The Electronic Frontier Foundation campaign group said of the ruling: In particular, he casts shade on the very constitutionality of the government's interpretation, describing it as virtually unbounded," it added.

It is unclear, however, what effect, if any, the New York ruling will have on the California case. Amicus briefs are set to be filed within the next 72 hours in LA, with oral evidence being heard within the coming weeks.

Microsoft has become the latest company to announce its support for Apple in its fight against the FBI's demands the company unlocks an iPhone belonging to San Bernardino killer Syed Farook. The news outlet also said Alphabet - Google's parent company - and Facebook plan to file a separate brief, citing "people familiar with the matter", while Twitter has publicly said it will also be filing an amicus brief.

In a mirror image of the iPhone case, Apple came out in support of Microsoft, along with a number of other tech giants. Microsoft's move to support Apple is, however, in contrast to statements made by Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates on 23 February, where he claimed: The tech giant is currently embroiled in a fierce battle with the agency over the iPhone of San Bernardino killer Syed Farook, which Apple has been court-ordered to help the FBI gain access to.

In an interview with ABC News , Cook reiterated his claims that Apple has "passed all of the information that we have on the phone". He stated that the only way to get any further data "would be to write a piece of software that we view as sort of the equivalent of cancer". We have never written it. But I do know that this is not what should be happening in this country. Apple wants Congress to decide iPhone dispute Apple will tell a US federal judge this week that its argument with the FBI over cracking a locked and encrypted iPhone should be decided by Congress, rather than the courts, according to a report by The Associated Press.

Apple will also contest that the court order for it to help hack the iPhone, which belonged to one of the San Bernardino attackers, is invalid under the All Writs Act, which has been used in the past to compel companies to provide assistance to law enforcement.

Apple has not yet made any filings in the case because the US Department of Justice DoJ asked the magistrate to rule before Apple had an opportunity to dispute. However, according to the AP , the company intends to argue in its legal papers that the law has never been used to coerce a company to write software to assist the government. Speaking about the implications on data privacy the case could have, he added: In fact, even asking some of the most basic questions of Congress sometimes does not ensure a quick answer.

Now I was baffled. What was someone with access to top secret US government documents doing in Hong Kong? I had assumed that our anonymous source was in Maryland or northern Virginia. What did Hong Kong have to do with any of this? I was willing to travel anywhere, of course, but I wanted more information about why I was going.

I wanted to be certain that this would be worthwhile, meaning: Had she obtained verification that this source was real? But she also told me about a brewing problem.

The source was upset by how things had gone thus far, particularly about a new turn: Laura said it was critical that I speak to him directly, to assure him and placate his growing concerns.

I chalked that up to miscommunication and replied immediately. I added his user name to my OTR buddy list and waited. Within fifteen minutes, my computer sounded a bell-like chime, signaling that he had signed on.

Right off the bat, I told him I was absolutely committed to the story. The source—whose name, place of employment, age, and all other attributes were still unknown to me—asked if I would come to Hong Kong to meet him. I did not ask why he was in Hong Kong; I wanted to avoid appearing to be fishing for information. Indeed, from the start I decided I would let him take the lead. If he wanted me to know why he was in Hong Kong, he would tell me.

And if he wanted me to know what documents he had and planned to provide me, he would tell me that, too. This passive posture was difficult for me. But I assumed his situation was delicate. Whatever else was true, I knew that this person had resolved to carry out what the US government would consider a very serious crime.

It was clear from how concerned he was with secure communications that discretion was vital. And, I reasoned,—since I had so little information about whom I was talking to, about his thinking, his motives and fears—that caution and restraint on my part were imperative.

I did not want to scare him off, so I forced myself to let the information come to me rather than trying to grab it. We spoke online that day for two hours. His first concern was what was happening with some of the NSA documents that, with his consent, Poitras had talked about to a Washington Post reporter, Barton Gellman.

Rather than report the story quickly and aggressively, the Washington Post had assembled a large team of lawyers who were making all kinds of demands and issuing all sorts of dire warnings. To the source, this signaled that the Post , handed what he believed was an unprecedented journalistic opportunity, was being driven by fear rather than conviction and determination.

He was also livid that the Post had involved so many people, afraid that these discussions might jeopardize his security. He returned to that again and again: The other significant topic we discussed in that first online conversation was his goal.

I knew from the emails Laura had shown me that he felt compelled to tell the world about the massive spying apparatus the US government was secretly building. But what did he hope to achieve? He then said something startling: I knew from my years of writing about NSA abuses that it can be hard to generate serious concern about secret state surveillance: But this felt different. The media pays attention when top secret documents are leaked.

And the fact that the warning was coming from someone on the inside of the national security apparatus—rather than an American Civil Liberties Union lawyer or a civil liberties advocate—surely meant that it would have added weight. That night, I talked to David about going to Hong Kong. I was still reluctant to drop all of my work to fly to the other side of the world to meet someone I knew nothing about, not even his name, particularly since I had no real evidence that he was who he said he was.

It could be a complete waste of time—or entrapment or some other weird plot. As usual, I took his advice. When I signed on to OTR the next morning, I said I was planning to leave for Hong Kong within days but first wanted to see some documents so that I understood the types of disclosures he was prepared to make. To do that, he told me again to install various programs. I then spent a couple of days online as the source walked me through, step by step, how to install and use each program, including, finally, PGP encryption.

I kept apologizing for my lack of proficiency, for having to take hours of his time to teach me the most basic aspects of secure communication. And I have a lot of free time right now. Once the programs were all in place, I received a file containing roughly twenty-five documents: I un-zipped the file, saw the list of documents, and randomly clicked on one of them. At the top of the page in red letters, a code appeared: This meant the document had been legally designated top secret, pertained to communications intelligence COMINT , and was not for distribution to foreign nationals, including international organizations or coalition partners NOFORN.

There it was with incontrovertible clarity: Nothing of this significance had ever been leaked from the NSA, not in all the six-decade history of the agency.

I now had a couple dozen such items in my possession. And the person I had spent hours chatting with over the last two days had many, many more to give me. That first document was a training manual for NSA officials to teach analysts about new surveillance capabilities. Basically, I was eavesdropping on NSA officials as they instructed their analysts on how to listen in on their targets.

My heart was racing. I had to stop reading and walk around my house a few times to take in what I had just seen and calm myself enough to focus on reading the files. The source also said he was sending me a large file that I would be unable to access until the time was right. I decided to set aside that cryptic though significant statement for the moment, in line with my approach of letting him decide when I got information but also because I was so excited by what I had in front of me.

I needed to get to Hong Kong right away, and I would have to have substantial institutional support to do this reporting. This meant involving the Guardian , the newspaper and online news website that I had joined as a daily columnist only nine months earlier.

Now I was about to bring them in to what I knew already would be a major explosive story. My agreement with the Guardian was that I had full editorial independence, which meant that nobody could edit or even review my articles before they ran. I wrote my pieces, and then published them directly to the Internet myself. The only exceptions to this arrangement were that I would alert them if my writing could have legal consequences for the newspaper or posed an unusual journalistic quandary.

That had happened very few times in the previous nine months, only once or twice, which meant that I had had very little interaction with the Guardian editors. Obviously, if any story warranted a heads-up, it was this one. But he says he has many, many more. My plan, which I told Laura, was to fly to New York, show the documents to the Guardian , get them excited about the story, and then have them send me to Hong Kong to see the source.

Laura agreed to meet me in New York, and then we intended to travel together to Hong Kong. It is much more difficult to subject an Internet-free computer to surveillance. To monitor an air gapped computer, an intelligence service such as the NSA would have to engage in far more difficult methods, such as obtaining physical access to the computer and placing a surveillance device on the hard drive.

Keeping the computer close at all times helps prevent that type of invasion. Gibson was waiting for us when we arrived. I had no idea how the Guardian editors would react to what I had. I sat on a sofa and watched them read, observing the shock registering on their faces when the reality of what I possessed began to sink in.

Each time they finished with one document, I popped up to show them the next one. Their amazement only intensified. In addition to the two dozen or so NSA documents the source had sent, he had included the manifesto he intended to post, calling for signatures as a show of solidarity with the pro-privacy, anti-surveillance cause.

The manifesto was dramatic and severe, but that was to be expected, given the dramatic and severe choices he had made, choices that would upend his life forever.

It made sense to me that someone who had witnessed the shadowy construction of a ubiquitous system of state surveillance, with no oversight or checks, would be gravely alarmed by what he had seen and the dangers it posed. Of course his tone was extreme; he had been so alarmed that he had made an extraordinary decision to do something brave and far-reaching.

I understood the reason for his tone, although I worried about how Gibson and Millar would react to reading the manifesto. And besides, anyone who does something this extreme is going to have extreme thoughts.

Along with that manifesto, Snowden had written a missive to the journalists to whom he gave his archive of documents. It sought to explain his purpose and goals and predicted how he would likely be demonized:. My sole motive is to inform the public as to that which is done in their name and that which is done against them. They protect their domestic systems from the oversight of citizenry through classification and lies, and shield themselves from outrage in the event of leaks by overemphasizing limited protections they choose to grant the governed.

The enclosed documents are real and original, and are offered to provide an understanding of how the global, passive surveillance system works so that protections against it may be developed. While I pray that public awareness and debate will lead to reform, bear in mind that the policies of men change in time, and even the Constitution is subverted when the appetites of power demand it.

In words from history: Let us speak no more of faith in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of cryptography. I instantly recognized the last sentence as a play on a Thomas Jefferson quote from that I often cited in my writing: The Guardian was on board. My mission in New York had been accomplished. Now I knew that Gibson was committed to pursuing the story aggressively, at least for the moment. The best option was a sixteen-hour non-stop flight on Cathay Pacific that left from JFK the next morning.

But just as we began to celebrate our imminent meeting with the source, we ran into a complication. At the end of the day, Gibson declared that she wanted to involve a longtime Guardian reporter, Ewen MacAskill, who had been at the paper for twenty years.

More important, neither did the source, and as far as he knew, only Laura and I were coming to Hong Kong. And Laura, who plans everything meticulously, was also bound to be furious at this sudden change in our plans. Who has vetted him? Given how much the Guardian had at stake, I reasoned that they likely wanted someone they knew very well—a longtime company man—to tell them what was going on with the source and to assure them that this story was something they should do.

Besides, Gibson would need the full support and approval of the Guardian editors in London, who knew me even less well than she did. She probably wanted to bring in someone who could make London feel safe, and Ewen fit that bill perfectly.

I went back to Gibson with what seemed like a smart compromise, but she was determined. Clearly, Ewen coming with us to Hong Kong was crucial to the Guardian. Gibson would need assurances about what was happening there and a way to assuage any worries her bosses in London might have. But Laura was just as adamant that we would travel alone. And they were sending him on that plane no matter what.

In the car on the way to the airport, Laura and I had our first and only argument. I gave her the news as soon as the car pulled out of the hotel and she exploded with anger. I was jeopardizing the entire arrangement, she insisted. It was unconscionable to bring some stranger in at this late stage.

And Ewen would only meet the source when we were ready.

Edward Joseph Snowden (born June 21, ) is an American computer professional, former Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) employee, and former contractor for the United States government who copied and leaked classified information from the National Security Agency (NSA) in without authorization. His disclosures revealed numerous global surveillance programs, many run by the NSA . The Data Encryption Standard (DES / ˌ d iː ˌ iː ˈ ɛ s, d ɛ z /) is a symmetric-key algorithm for the encryption of electronic data. Although insecure, it was highly influential in the advancement of modern cryptography.. Developed in the early s at IBM and based on an earlier design by Horst Feistel, the algorithm was submitted to the National Bureau of Standards (NBS) following the. Watch Homestead Florida Girl Looking For Nsa Homestead Florida porn videos for free, here on exposition-universelle-paris-1900.com Discover the growing collection of high quality Most Relevant XXX movies and clips. No other sex tube is more popular and features more Homestead Florida Girl Looking For Nsa Homestead Florida scenes than Pornhub! Browse through our impressive selection of porn videos .