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Cranston is the third largest city in Rhode Island by population with 79, residents as of the census. Cranston spans 28 square miles north of Warwick and south of Providence. Formerly known as Pawtuxet, the city is bordered by the City of Warwick and the Town of West Warwick to the south, and the Town of Scituate to the west.

Cranston was established from a part of Providence in , but it was not until that it was designated a city. Cranston's City Seal, which was taken from the coat of arms of Governor Samuel Cranston, consists of three silver cranes on a red shield with a silver border. The motto Dum vigilo curo has been translated as "While I watch I care. Cranston is a short drive from any Rhode Island city or town.

The closest airport to Cranston is T. Green serves the Rhode Island area and provides non-stop transportation from Toronto, the Azores seasonal , and many major U. Additional cities can be reached by connecting flights at many major airline hubs.

Upon arrival, renting a car or taking a bus is a convenient way to enter the city. Destinations in Cranston are most easily accessible by car.

Renting a car or bringing your own is advisable. Many locations of interest are situated close to each other and can be walking distance apart, but locations may be car-centrically designed or areas of high traffic volume. Travelling from western Cranston across the city into the Edgewood neighborhood can take quite awhile by Rhode Island standards.

Park Avenue is a primary way to do this, and receives much traffic. Central and eastern Cranston resemble the capital city of Providence to a greater degree than western Cranston, so plan for traffic in these places accordingly. Unlike larger city routes, bus routes serving Cranston may not have many trips especially on weekends and nights. Cranston has plenty of bike paths and routes to get you to places. The Cross-City Bicycle Route [dead link] begins along Naragansett Bay and takes you west towards the center of the city.

Most of the route is through quiet neighborhoods so you can easily avoid traffic. The entire route is about 25 miles. This bike route also connects to the Washington Secondary Bike Path [dead link].

Cranston hosts a few small bars but besides country clubs or small bars scattered about, the main drinking locations are to be had in Providence. Compared to cities similar in size across America, Cranston has a relatively lower average crime rate. However when traveling by bike or foot at night proceed with caution, especially when on the eastern side, more urban side. Though a majority of the neighborhoods are protected by "Neighborhood Crime Watch" they are not necessarily any safer than those unprotected.

Even in residential neighborhoods be sure to lock all car and house doors and close all first floor windows in the evening, for break-ins are not uncommon. To leave Cranston, it is best to travel by car to another node of transportation Bus, Air, or Train. Transportation by car in Cranston is very convenient and normally not inhibited by major traffic.

Also, leaving by bus to a major bus hub such as Kennedy Plaza in downtown Providence is an option. Understand [ edit ] Formerly known as Pawtuxet, the city is bordered by the City of Warwick and the Town of West Warwick to the south, and the Town of Scituate to the west.

By plane [ edit ] The closest airport to Cranston is T. Get around [ edit ] By car [ edit ] Destinations in Cranston are most easily accessible by car. By bike [ edit ] Cranston has plenty of bike paths and routes to get you to places.

See [ edit ] John L. Made up of acres which are perfect for hiking, biking, and bird-watching. There are two ponds here where you are able to take out the canoe, do a little fresh water fishing Joy Homestead , Scituate Ave. This historic farmhouse, built in , is on the National Rochambeau Trail and is furnished with period antiques.

Narragansett Bay , Edgewood. It is also the location of a collection of spectacular homes. Edgewood is a friendly, communal, and old-timey section of Cranston. There are cute shops and comfy dining. A great place to hang out, walk around and socialize with a group of friends or family. The view is lovely, especially at sunset. The nearby homes are also worth checking out, or strolling past. The Oaklawn Grange is a part of the historical Oaklawn village.

The building is over one hundred years old and is now home of a non-profit organization that is run by a group volunteers from the community. The grange puts on a series of various events and fundraisers, most of the time during holiday seasons.

For example around Halloween they have hayrides that ride around the area, and closer to Christmas time Santa rides to the grange on a fire engine and there is a ceremonial tree lighting in the nearby gazebo; these events are a ton of fun for younger kids. The Grange is also available to be rented out for private parties.

This is a great place for tourists to visit if they want to get better acquainted with a more nautical side of Rhode Island. Port Edgewood Marina has a great view of the ocean and is a good place to check out all of the different boats that are docked there. This mansion was built in the late 18th century by the Spragues, a well to do Cranston family. The mansion received additions in , and it has been kept intact ever since. The tours mainly focus on the history and architecture of the building.

The mansion is also open to weddings, birthday parties, and other events. There are rumors that the mansion is haunted, but that is not widely believed. Sprague Mansion is definitely worth a visit for visitors and Rhode Island residents. As well as offering a library service to the neighborhood, the library is in impressive, historic building, and worth a look on both the inside and out. Do [ edit ] Edgewood Yacht Club. The old Edgewood Yacht Club building was completely destroyed in a fire in Despite the tragedy, a new dock construction is underway.

The new dock overlooks the bay from an excellent vantage point. The Edgewood Yacht club offers several days throughout the summer for tours of both the club docks and an actual trip out onto the bay. Learning the basics of sailing can be an enjoyable, relatively cheap activity.

Besides the predefined tour days, the Edgewood and Rhode Island yacht clubs offer sailing lessons. For one on an extended stay, these weekly lessons can be an exciting introduction to the nautical side of Rhode island.

Rhode Island Yacht Club. The Rhode Island Yacht Club houses many different Yachts and other watercraft, often adorned with lights during holidays. One can reach the area directly from Narragansett Boulevard. Costume-optional event featuring four Cajun and Zydeco bands, Cajun and Creole food, and non-stop dancing. Costume optional with prizes for best dressed.

The Rhode Island Center for Performing Arts' Park Theatre is a state-of-the-art, multi-purpose venue that features concerts, comedies, theatrical presentations, movies, closed circuit sports and entertainment, and other special events.

The Park Theatre complex also includes the Stage Door Restaurant and Lounge, as well as a restaurant and banquet hall that can double as a conference and meeting center. Built in the s, Budlong Pool is one of the largest outdoor swimming pools in the nation, at 85 feet wide and feet long. Cranston residents can purchase a season, individual, senior, or day pass, but non-residents can only purchase a day pass. There are swimming lessons for children and Aquafit classes for adults.

The pool is open every year from the last week of June until the third week of August. This ice rink, with a capacity of people, is open to the public four days a week. It features a snack bar and a pro shop called Bennett Sports, which sells hockey equipment. Cranston Track and Field adjacent to Hugh B. During the spring and summer the people of Cranston will generally congregate here to enjoy many of the previously stated outdoor activities.

A great place to bring kids to let them wear themselves out. Close to the Route 37 East exit. Wide selection of books, and space for art to be exhibited. Updated services and technologies such as Wifi. Great way to spend the morning. During summers, these courts will be packed. You can see the thousands of artistic glowing pumpkins during Halloween time. Opens at different times annually. Tickets may be purchased at the gate nightly, or from 9AM - 3: Deals available for zoo members.

Legion Bowl and Billiards. This complex offers duck pin bowling, 8 tournament regulation pool tables, a friendly pub, arcade games, and a snack bar. It has been around since the s and has league play both during the week and on weekend mornings.

They host birthday parties and events, and offer deals for students of all ages. Mary's Feast , 15 Phenix Ave.

Comedy Connection

Such a comrade was Seamus Costello. Brutally murdered by petty, small-minded men of no vision whose only place in history is to serve as a warning to others how revolutionaries gone wrong can degenerate into worse than nothingness, Seamus Costello, for all that he was and did in his lifetime, was only at the beginning of his potential contribution to the achievement of national liberation and socialism in this generation.

That is not to say that Seamus was above making mistakes or that he was always politically correct. There were many questions on which I disagreed with him, and which I considered crucial to the development of the struggle. Nonetheless, in leaving the Official Republican Movement and taking the initiative of forming the IRSP, Seamus Costello proved his ability in practice — once convinced that the approach of the organisation to which he belonged was wrong and could not be altered from within — to take on the daunting, but necessary task of building an organisation capable and willing to carry the struggle forward.

The fact that he was capable of it underlined his key position in the struggle, and his recognition of the need to forge a revolutionary force in Ireland from the unification of the republican and labour movements. If I did not accept his arguments on how it could be done, I remained confident that he, again, if he found himself mistaken, would move further in his political analysis to another approach. He did not live to see the test of theory in practice.

Much is said of his single mindedness, his ruthlessness and organisational ability. At his hardest, Seamus Costello was never hateful, nor was there a fibre of his being that was petty or personally malicious, and despite the slanders of his enemies, he was neither politically nor religiously sectarian.

He owed his first allegiance to an ideal — a 32 county socialist republic. As an orator, he was brilliant and inspiring. In debate, he was uncompromising, skilled and learned. As an organiser, he was efficient and did not easily tolerate idleness or half-hearted effort.

A sense of humour, the ability to laugh at oneself, and the predicament in which we find ourselves, is sadly too rare a quality among revolutionaries. Seamus possessed it in good measure. His single greatest attribute was, however, his ability to relate to the mass of the people.

His potential as a leader of mass struggle is not easily replaced. He could inspire not only the dream but the confidence of its achievement, and the commitment to work towards that end. From the ranks of mass struggle, others will come. From the experience of struggle, the political programme, organisation and method of struggle will come.

But another Seamus Costello may never come again. When our freedom has been won, let us guard it well, remembering it was paid for in the blood and the lives of those now dead, but whose memory lives forever in the hearts of us who loved them for all that they were and all they might have been, had they been allowed to live.

First of all, may I begin by thanking the organisers for the opportunity to speak here this afternoon. It is a privilege to do so, given who this event stands to commemorate.

Though he has gone, Ruairi O Bradaigh remains an inspiration to Irish Republicans, the ideas he stood over remaining, for us, the footing and template on which to advocate continuing Republican struggle, on and into the future. As Ruairi knew well, Irish Republicanism sets towards a county republic in Ireland, premised on the line and image of the Proclamation. For ourselves as Irish Republicans, then, any future United Ireland to emerge must be mounted on the same, with the Proclamation to be upheld as its constitutional basis.

We are out for the Irish Republic — the Republic of While its governmental structure has yet to be determined, its political line, as O Bradaigh stood over throughout the entirety of his political life, has already been carved in stone. By no means has this been arrived at by happenstance. For on the back of a disorganised Republicanism — splintered and with no clear sense of its purpose in the Ireland of — revisionist forces, intent on limiting the scope and extent of any future all-Ireland state, find the task of restricting the parameters of change much easier than ought to be the case.

The task at hand, in the context of the above, is for Republicans to forward a political strategy relevant to , though without being absorbed by revisionism. But being right is not enough on its own, as many here can attest to.

We must gain support for same through hard work on the ground — hard work married to a clear political charter formed upon clear political theory. That is what Republicanism still has to offer and that is what we now must be about.

We must be of and about a political campaign with the Irish Republic as its masthead. It was designed to bring Irish Republicans into a political process which had as its parameters the acceptance of British rule, while at the same time excluding Republicanism. While this arrangement has served British power for the best part of 20 years, more recent times have seen it run aground, due to the impact of Brexit coupled with shifting demographics in the still-occupied Six Counties.

The creates new opportunities which Republicanism must avail of. The core of our programme in this regard should centre on the constituent assembly — a longstanding plank of Republican theory going back to the times of the revolution.

For Irish Republicans it is automatic that, should Ireland be reunited, British withdrawal from the North should be coupled with the restoration of Dail Eireann, a position worth holding to with political change now upon us.

Britain, with her line of theory, should be afforded no role in determining or participating in any future all-Ireland arrangement. While the rest is up for discussion, that is at the core of what it means to self-determine and must be fully non-negotiable.

An all-Ireland constituent assembly should thus deliberate on the form and structure of any future United Ireland, for only such an entity has the democratic right and qualification to undertake such a task.

All and every citizen, party or interest group will have the same option and the same opportunity to either stand for election to this body or, at the very least, to present a submission for its consideration. It is that process which should agree the new Ireland — one that upholds the rights to freedom and sovereignty laid down under the Proclamation; an Ireland, no matter the scheming of Britain and her quislings, that remains the birthright of our people. A functional constituent assembly, rather than a mere consultative body among our own, would be a legally-established entity vested with the full authority of the Irish Republic.

What we are talking about here is a Third All-Ireland Dail, sitting as a constituent assembly, its sole remit to draw up a new constitution for the Republic — which would at that point have been reconstituted upon full British withdrawal from Ireland.

An all-Ireland election is the only mechanism that can unlock such a forum. This should encompass a renewed demand for a full British withdrawal alongside a structured proposal as to what should happen in that event.

With that as our base and guide, what is needed is to bring things up to speed and present its ideas in the context of today. All of such demands the redundant strategies and tactics of the past make way for something fresh — for a campaign that people can support and believe in.

The call for a constituent assembly, as part of a wider initiative for a new Ireland, can fulfil that end, capturing the national imagination if we forward a confident proposal, backed by a confident team of hardworking Irishmen and women, who are never in short supply. We can always do with more, though, and as such this campaign needs opened out to include all.

We need to look outward and not in. The people of Ireland deserve nothing less. Ireland and the Republic deserve, of us, that we establish the unity of purpose required to make good on the same.

Further negotiations or agreements with Britain should not from there be countenanced — other than to insist that she leave our country. It need neither demand an acceptance from us of her border poll as a legitimate constitutional vehicle. What it must, though, provide is a clear understanding of what should proceed in the event that one should pass — just as it should in any event, regardless how Irish Unity is arrived upon. Through all of this, we must be clear that when we speak of Irish Unity we are talking about restoring the Irish Republic — that same Republic born of the Proclamation and the Declaration of Irish Independence.

The sovereignty and unity of the Irish Republic must be the basis of a United Ireland. We might negotiate and agree new political structures but that fundamental is beyond revision. It is the Irish Republic we seek and no less. While it is not a panacea and should not be mistaken for such, a national constituent assembly, elected by popular suffrage by all of the Irish people — acting as one unit — offers a practical means through which this can be achieved.

It would provide us the means to build a true Republic, where all of the children of this great nation are finally cherished as they ought to be. Great things could lie ahead if we realise the opportunities before us. MI5 authorised its agents and informers to kill targets and commit other crimes under a secret policy which operated throughout the conflict in Ireland and continued until at least , an investigative powers tribunal in London has heard.

In November , former British Prime Minister David Cameron asked for the policy to be reviewed, but with an extraordinary impunity clause regarding any potential prosecutions. The letter was sent two weeks before the publication of an independent report into the murder of Belfast defence lawyer Pat Finucane as Cameron prepared to issue an admission that British state collusion was involved in his murder. It also refers to allegations that Freddie Scappaticci was a former senior member of the IRA and a murderous double agent working under the codename Stakeknife.

Mrs Foster has insisted that the DUP will vote against the British Prime Minister in any proposal that would result in new checks on goods moving across the Irish Sea, threatening a general election. Speaking to journalists at the Conservative Party conference, Ms Foster said: Things evolve, even in the EU context. The DUP pointed to the precedent of the St Andrews Agreement in , which significantly diluted the agreement without calling a referendum.

Agreed among the two governments and the main political parties, the deal resulted in a decade of political stasis and financial scandal which ended when the Stormont Assembly finally collapsed in January !. Speaking in the Dail on Tuesday, the Fine Gael leader said: She reacted angrily after Mrs Foster suggested the terms of the agreement could be altered in efforts to strike an EU exit deal.

The actions of the DUP and their deal with the Tories is bad for our economy and undermines the rights of citizens.

One of the most courageous people in the Bible was our Blessed Mother. An angel appeared to her when she was a teenager and asked her to bear a child, the Savior of the world. Our Office of Youth Ministry has planned a day at the Westchester County Center that invites youth to connect to the Lord and to one another through engaging talks, lively music, service projects, and the sacraments.

I would like to invite you to think of the high school aged young people in your life—children, grandchildren, nieces and nephews, neighbors, students—who would benefit from a day like this. I would like to meet them on October 20! And, of course, their being anti-Irish would also make the DUP racist, and not just sectarian. And last year, Gerry Adams stated: During the decades of conflict, it openly colluded with Unionist paramilitaries.

More than once the DUP leadership led thousands of masked and marching men through the streets of Belfast and of towns across the North. For a time, there was the Third Force. This morphed into Ulster Resistance, with its red berets and smuggled weapons from the apartheid South African regime. The institutions are at a defining point. Thursday, January 5, Equally, very anti-Sinn Fein journalist Suzanne Breen writes: Robinson ever did during their tenure at Stormont.

Tuesday, January 10, Wednesday, October 3, Mrs Foster clearly sees Brexit as her Waterloo, a last chance opportunity to revive a career that hangs in the balance.

THE taoiseach has moved moved to quell any speculation that Brexit could trigger a renegotiation of the Good Friday Agreement. Foster made the remarks in a newspaper interview ahead of a DUP fringe event at the Conservative Party conference in Birmingham. The DUP campaigned against the peace deal when it was resoundingly endorsed in referenda on both sides of the border. The DUP leader did not elaborate on how she felt the agreement could be modified and she later said her comments had been exaggerated.

Death is nothing at all. It does not count. I have only slipped away into the next room. Everything remains as it was. The old life that we lived so fondly together is untouched, unchanged.

Whatever we were to each other, that we are still. Call me by the old familiar name. Speak of me in the easy way which you always used. Put no sorrow in your tone. Laugh as we always laughed at the little jokes that we enjoyed together. Play, smile, think of me, pray for me.

Let my name be ever the household word that it always was. Let it be spoken without effort Life means all that it ever meant. It is the same as it ever was. There is unbroken continuity. Why should I be out of mind because I am out of sight? I am but waiting for you, for an interval, somewhere very near, just around the corner. Nothing is hurt; nothing is lost. One brief moment and all will be as it was before. How we shall laugh at the trouble of parting, when we meet again. Acts of civil disobedience are set to continue after rallies across Ireland and a motion of no confidence in the Dail failed to remove the Minister for Housing, Eoghan Murphy, over his failure to tackle an escalating housing crisis.

Several other demonstrations took place across Dublin, with other events in towns and cities including Galway, Cork, Waterford and Belfast. Activists in Dublin also occupied a vacant property in Crumlin to coincide with the demonstrations. The protests have raised questions about why property and land hoarding is going unchecked, why rent pressure zones have failed while evictions take place on a pretext, and why those in power are not being held to account.

Independent statistics continue to paint a devastating picture. In Dublin the average rent for new tenancies is now euro, with annual rent rises for new tenancies 8. Less than a quarter of planned social housing has been delivered in the first six months. Meanwhile, Minister Eoghan Murphy has focused on his public image, redefining homelessness in order to take more than 1, adults and children off the homeless figures. A similar strategy has been used to manipulate the total number in need of social housing support.

Minister Murphy told a joint parliamentary committee that he could not say when the crisis would peak, but admitted more families will be presenting as homeless over the winter. In rambling comments, he told committee members: Very regrettably there are going to be families in emergency accommodation for quite some time to come because we have to build houses for them.

With the threat of lives being lost due to cold weather, Murphy later promised a delivery of prefabricated homes for homeless families. After a stormy debate in the Dail on Wednesday, Murphy survived a Sinn Fein motion of no confidence in him by 59 votes to 49 after Fianna Fail abstained. Repeatedly accusing Sinn Fein of having no alternative, Mr O Broin pointed to the raft of policies, documents, analyses and legislation his party had drafted to address the situation. But he said Fianna Fail had lined up time after time to support the minority government.

Mr O Broin said Minister Murphy was the main obstacle to addressing the housing crisis. He said what almost all politicians and journalists have refused to do, by spelling out the likely consequences of a return of border checks and controls. If you have a target, you have to defend the target.

Meanwhile, there have been warnings that the Six Counties could face blackouts and food shortages as a result of Britain leaving the EU without suitable arrangements on trade and customs.

British government documents show that in the event of a no-deal Brexit, diesel generators may be needed to keep power supplies running. Shortages and price rises in food products such as orange juice, olive oil, sausages and butter are also expected. With fears of looting and food riots, the British government has appointed a minister to manage food supply for the first time since the Second World War.

Access to vital drugs, including insulin for diabetics, have also been singled out as a key concern. Public transport across the border is also in jeopardy. The DUP cannot veto the vote of the people in the north to remain. When I was a lad, our History teacher used to say that people should look for signs of madness in a political leader, and when they saw it, the leader should be shunned. Such leaders are dangerous, our History teacher told us. The other sign of madness was politicians who talked about themselves in the third person.

What did Ian do? He took two five-star holidays with his family in Sri Lanka — posh hotels, helicopters, luxury stuff, the lot: See what Ian did there? Talked about himself as if he were someone else. In the third person. And well might she want every support she can get. Given that things are groaning and creaking in advance of Brexit, what will it be like when Brexit comes? At this point Britain seems to have backed itself into a cul-de-sac with very high walls all around.

No matter what way it turns, the UK is faced with bad stuff. The Tory government could do like Norway, and follow all rules of the EU, which would allow them to have a good trade relationship with the Europe but allows them no part in EU decision-making. If that happens, Britain will wind up less well-off than it was before Brexit.

The problem is, there will have to be markers showing where EU territory begins and where UK territory ends. So will that mean a hard border in Ireland, separating the south in the EU from the north outside the EU?

That would be a bad idea economically and a worse one politically. And that inside ten years Britain could be faced with a border poll favouring a united Ireland? Then there really would be a border down the middle of the Irish Sea. At that point Britain would put on its coat, heave what sounded like a sigh but deep inside would be a whoop of delight.

No more massive annual subvention, the damnable Irish question finally answered, we should have done this decades ago. Loyalists paramilitary organisations have been involved in brutal attacks in County Antrim amid violent wrangling over local control and the proceeds of crime. The attack took place at his home last weekend. McIlhagga, a father-of-five and small time drugs dealer, died after he was shot in the leg in a similar shooting.

An investigation by the PSNI police failed to lead to prosecution. It was blamed for an even more brutal attack on a local man at his home earlier this month. The victim, who is in his 20s, was beaten with sledgehammers in the Woodvale area of Larne, suffering serious injuries to his arms and legs. Items were also taken from the home, it is understood. Mr McMullan said he believed that the UVF was responsible and said the loyalist group has been reorganising and retraining in east Antrim in recent months, with its leadership based in the Monkstown area of Newtownabbey.

He also warned that the organisation in Larne is involved in the supply of illegal drink and cigarettes and runs illegal drinking dens. Thirteen people were shot dead when British Army paratroopers opened fire on civil rights demonstrators in the city in January One of the others wounded on the day died later.

The payment was the first of four test cases in the civil damages claims. It also noted that no attempt was made to defend the soldiers responsible. He suffered terrible injuries which resulted in a lifetime of pain and difficulty. In , the Bloody Sunday families were paid a small amount in compensation.

Some gave the money away to charities in Derry. The families have been at pains to stress that the current court action is not about money. Now aged 63, Dublin-based Mr Quinn recalled in his evidence being a year-old A-level student who had gone with friends to the march. But after the British Army started firing he fled from the Rossville Street area amid growing fears at the unfolding events.

He told of seeing a soldier emerge from behind flats, looking in his direction and place a bullet in the breech of his rifle. He then crawled and ran into Glenfada Park North in an attempt to take shelter. While there he saw the body of Michael Kelly, one of those fatally wounded, being carried. As others began to surge into the area, shouting that soldiers were coming in, Mr Quinn headed, crouched down towards an alley.

He had just made it over a raised area when the bullet hit him. That man turned out to be James Wray, another of those killed, who had asked Mr Quinn to help carry the civil rights banner earlier in the day. Mr Quinn managed to stumble on until he was brought to a first aid post and then taken to Altnagelvin Hospital. Ahead of the start of the hearings, the families were disappointed that they had to go to court and relive the events of the day before securing a settlement, despite their complete exoneration by the Saville Inquiry and the subsequent apology by the then British Prime Minister, David Cameron.

The families believe that the next logical step in acknowledging the absolute innocence of the victims is the prosecution of those responsible for the deaths and injuries. ORG — Archives scroll back to 12 noon Saturday.

The personal log also detailed names and car registrations of republicans from west Belfast who had been searched by the PSNI, along with Crown Force codenames for various operations. The PSNI said only that they are carrying out enquiries, but admitted that it was now likely that loyalist paramilitary figures have access to the notes. This is the second similar episode in recent weeks. The database was passed to UDA paramilitaries along with other items which were being returned following a search.

But the incident came as no surprise to them. Robert Emmet, United Irishman and the leader of the rebellion on , was tried for high treason in Green Street courthouse, years ago this week. He was found guilty, and sentenced to be hung, drawn and quartered. The execution was carried the next day in Thomas Street. Emmet was found guilty after what was essentially a show trial. The clerk of the crown read the indictment, and stated the verdict, before asking: What have I to say why sentence of death should not be pronounced on me, according to law?

I have nothing to say which can alter your predetermination, not that it would become me to say with any view to the mitigation of that Sentence which you are here to pronounce, and by which I must abide. But I have that to say which interests me more than life, and which you have laboured, as was necessarily your office in the present circumstances of this oppressed country to destroy.

I have much to say why my reputation should be rescued from the load of false accusation and calumny which has been heaped upon it. I do not imagine that, seated where you are, your minds can be so free from impurity as to receive the least impression from what I am about to utter. I have no hope that I can anchor my character in the breast of a court constituted and trammelled as this is.

I only wish, and it is the utmost I expect. Were I only to suffer death, after being adjudged guilty by your tribunal, I should bow in silence, meet the fate that awaits me without a murmur; but the sentence of the law which delivers my body to the executioner, will, through the ministry of the law, labour in its own vindication to consign my character to obloquy, for there must be guilt somewhere — whether in the sentence of the court, or in the catastrophes posterity must determine.

A man in my situation, my lords, has not only to encounter the difficulties of fortune, and the force of power over minds which it has corrupted or subjugated, but the difficulties of established prejudice. The man dies, but his memory lives. That mine may not perish, that it may live in the respect of my countrymen, I seize upon this opportunity to vindicate myself from some of the charges alleged against me. When my spirit shall be wafted to a more friendly port — when my shade shall have joined the bands of those martyred heroes, who have shed their blood on the scaffold and in the field in defence of their country and of virtue, this is my hope — I wish that my memory and name may animate those who survive me, while I look down with complacency on the destruction of that perfidious government which upholds its domination by blasphemy of the Most High — which displays its power over man is over the beasts of the forest — which set man upon his brother, and lifts his hand, in the name of God, against the throat of his fellow who believes or doubts a little more or a little less than the government standard — a government which is steeled to barbarity by the cries of the orphans and the tears of the widows which it has made.

I appeal to the immaculate God — I swear by the Throne of Heaven, before which I must shortly appear — by the blood of the murdered patriots who have gone before me — that my conduct has been, through all this peril, and through all my purposes, governed only by the convictions which I have uttered, and by no other view than that of the emancipation of my country from the superinhuman oppression under which she has so long and too patiently travailed; and I confidently and assuredly hope that, wild and chimerical as it may appear, there is still union and strength in Ireland to accomplish this noblest enterprise.

Of this I speak with the confidence of intimate knowledge, and with the consolation that appertains to that confidence, think not, my lords, that I say this for the petty gratification of giving you a transitory uneasiness. A man who never yet raised his voice to assert a lie will not hazard his character with posterity by asserting a falsehood on a subject so important to his country, and on an occasion like this.

Yes, my lords, a man who does not wish to have his epitaph written until his country is liberated will not leave a weapon in the power of envy, nor a pretence to impeach the probity which he means to preserve, even in the grave to which tyranny consigns him. Again I say that what I have spoken was not intended for your lordship, whose situation I commiserate rather than envy — my expressions were for my countrymen.

If there is a true Irishman present, let my last words cheer him in the hour of his affliction —. I have always understood it to be the duty of a judge, when a prisoner has been convicted, to pronounce the sentence of the law. I have also understood that judges sometimes think it their duty to hear with patience, and to speak with humanity; to exhort the victim of the laws, and to offer, with tender benignity, their opinions of the motives by which he was actuated in the crime of which he was adjudged guilty.

That a judge has thought it his duty so to have done, I have no doubt; but where is that boasted freedom of your institutions — where is the vaunted impartiality, clemency, and mildness of your courts of justice, if an unfortunate prisoner, whom your policy, and not your justice, is about to deliver into the hands of the executioner, is not suffered to explain his motives sincerely and truly, and to vindicate the principles by which he was actuated?

You, my lord, are a judge; I am the supposed culprit. I am a man; you are a man also. By a revolution of power we might change places, though we could never change characters. If I stand at the bar of this court and dare not vindicate my character, what a farce is your justice? If I stand at this bar and dare not vindicate my character, how dare you calumniate it? Does the sentence of death, which your unhallowed policy inflicts upon my body, also condemn my tongue to silence and my reputation to reproach?

Your executioner may abridge the period of my existence, but, while I exist, I shall not forbear to vindicate my character and motives from your aspersions; as a man to whom fame is dearer than life, I will make the last use of that life in doing justice to that reputation which is to live after me, and which is the only legacy I can leave to those I honour and love, and for whom I am proud to perish.

My lord, shall a dying man be denied the legal privilege of exculpating himself in the eyes of the community from an undeserved reproach thrown upon him during his trial, by charging him with ambition, and attempting to cast away for a paltry consideration the liberties of his country?

Why did your lordship insult me? Or rather, why insult justice in demanding of me why sentence of death should not be pronounced? I know, my lord, that form prescribes that you should ask the question.

The form also presumes the right of answering. This, no doubt, may be dispensed with, and so might the whole ceremony of the trial, since sentence was already pronounced at the Castle before your jury were empanelled.

Your lordships are but the priests of the oracle. I submit to the sacrifice; but I insist on the whole of the forms. I am charged with being an emissary of France. An emissary of France! And for what end? It is alleged that I wish to sell the independence of my country; and for what end? Was this the object of my ambition? And is this the mode by which a tribunal of justice reconciles contradictions? No; I am no emissary. My ambition was to hold a place among the deliverers of my country — not in power, not in profit, but in the glory of the achievement.

A change of masters? No; but for my ambition. Was it personal ambition that influenced me? Had it been the soul of my actions, could I not, by my education and fortune, by the rank and consideration of my family, have placed myself amongst the proudest of your oppressors?

My country was my idol. To it I sacrificed every selfish, every endearing sentiment; and for it I now offer myself, O God! No, my lords; I acted as an Irishman, determined on delivering my country from the yoke of a foreign and unrelenting tyranny, and from the more galling yoke of a domestic faction, its joint partner and perpetrator in the patricide, whose reward is the ignominy of existing with an exterior of splendour and a consciousness of depravity.

It was the wish of my heart to extricate my country from this doubly-riveted despotism — I wish to place her independence beyond the reach of any power on earth.

I wish to exalt her to that proud station in the world which Providence had destined her to fill. Connection with France was, indeed, intended, but only so far as mutual interest would sanction or require. Were the French to assume any authority inconsistent with the purest independence, it would be the signal for their destruction.

We sought their aid — and we sought it as we had assurances we should obtain it — as auxiliaries in war, and allies in peace. Were the French to come as invaders or enemies, uninvited by the wishes of the people, I should oppose them to the utmost of my strength. My countrymen, I should advise you to meet them on the beach with a sword in one hand and a torch in the other.

I would meet them with all the destructive fury of war, and I would animate my countrymen to immolate them in their boats before they had contaminated the soil of my country. If they succeeded in landing, and if forced to retire before superior discipline, I would dispute every inch of ground, raze every house, burn every blade of grass; the last spot on which the hope of freedom should desert me, there would I hold, and the last of liberty should be my grave.

What I could not do myself in my fall, I should leave as a last charge to my countrymen to accomplish; because I should feel conscious that life, any more than death, is dishonourable when a foreign nation holds my country in subjection. But it was not as an enemy that the succours of France were to land.

I looked, indeed, for the assistance of France; I wished to prove to France and to the world that Irishmen deserved to be assisted — that they were indignant at slavery, and ready to assert the independence and liberty of their country; I wished to procure for my country the guarantee which Washington procured for America — to procure an aid which, by its example, would be as important as its valour; disciplined, gallant, pregnant with science and experience; that of allies who would perceive the good, and polish the rough points of our character.

They would come to us as strangers, and leave us as friends, after sharing in our perils, and elevating our destiny. These were my objects; not to receive new taskmasters, but to expel old tyrants.

And it was for these ends I sought aid from France; because France, even as an enemy, could not be more implacable than the enemy already in the bosom of my country. You do me honour overmuch; you have given to a subaltern all the credit of a superior. There are men engaged in this conspiracy who are not only superior to me; but even to your own conception of yourself, my lord; men before the splendour of whose genius and virtues I should bow with respectful deference, and who would think themselves disgraced by shaking your bloodstained hand —.

Shall you tell me this, and must I be so very as slave as not to repel it? I who fear not to approach the Omnipotent Judge to answer for the conduct of my whole life, am I to be appalled and falsified by a mere remnant of mortality here? By you, too, who if it were possible to collect all the innocent blood that you have shed in your unhallowed ministry in one great reservoir, your lordship might swim in it.

The proclamation of the Provisional Government speaks for my views; no inference can be tortured from it to countenance barbarity or debasement at home, or subjection, humiliation, or treachery from abroad. I would not have submitted to a foreign oppressor, for the same reason that I would resist the domestic tyrant. In the dignity of freedom, I would have fought upon the threshold of my country, and its enemy should only enter by passing over my lifeless corpse.

And am I, who lived but for my country, who have subjected myself to the dangers of the jealous and watchful oppressor, and now to the bondage of the grave, only to give my countrymen their rights, and my country her independence — am I to be loaded with calumny and not suffered to resent it? Emmet, who was a man, if alive, that would not countenance such opinions.

To which Emmet replied: If the spirits of the illustrious dead participate in the concerns and cares of those who were dear to them in this transitory life, O! My lords, you seem impatient for the sacrifice. The blood for which you thirst is not congealed by the artificial terrors which surround your victim [the soldiery filled and surrounded the Sessions House] — it circulates warmly and unruffled through the channels which God created for noble purposes, but which you are now bent to destroy, for purposes so grievous that they cry to heaven.

I have but a few words more to say. I am going to my cold and silent grave; my lamp of life is nearly extinguished; my race is run; the grave opens to receive me, and I sink into its bosom.

Let no man write my epitaph; for as no man who knows my motives dare now vindicate them, let not prejudice or ignorance asperse them. Let them and me rest in obscurity and peace, and my name remain uninscribed, until other times and other men can do justice to my character. When my country takes her place among the nations of the earth, then, and not till then, let my epitaph be written.

The British Ministry of Defence MoD has sought to block a ruling ordering it to release information about its ongoing operations in the Six Counties. British Army chiefs originally refused to hand over information requested by the Committee on the Administration of Justice under the Freedom of Information act, claiming it is exempt.

British Army units are increasingly active in the North, carrying out searches, dealing with bomb alerts, and flying reconnaissance missions by helicopter and spotter plane. Ongoing recruitment efforts include controversial promotional activities at secondary schools, including some in nationalist areas.

It is thought eight thousand British soldiers are currently stationed on Irish soil, with many more MoD employees working in support roles. An aggressive and staunchly unionist speech has increased fears that British Prime Minister Theresa May is prepared to ignore warnings and crash Britain out of the European Union early next year. That was rejected by EU leaders in an apparent shock for Theresa May. It was suggested that she had hoped to be able to deliver a positive report at the annual Tory party conference without making any concessions on the border.

She addressed the news cameras from Downing Street, with two Union Jacks as a backdrop. If the EU believe I will, they are making a fundamental mistake. Indeed we are seeing this play out as we speak. How can this be so in the face of the Good Friday Agreement?

The Agreement notwithstanding, constitutional authority still resides within the UK Parliament: As many of us argued from the beginning and is now before all in plain sight, the Good Friday Agreement is essentially an internal settlement, upheld by British law alone. It is outside and steps away from republican core thinking. Essentially we are talking about an aberration.

Beneath the appeals to have trust in the project and that the leadership needed time — needed the same level of support and commitment afforded the armed campaign — the reality was obvious for those who chose to look: That reality is that the Good Friday Agreement in no way impacts the British sovereign claim.

All of this was obvious from the process itself, as many protested ahead of the talks. Everything subsequent is no more than semantics and entirely for the optics. This removed all possibility that anything other than an internal settlement could ever result from the process.

We were already beaten before we began, the outcome predetermined. It invites us to reflect on what has become of our struggle. With the legitimacy of British constitutional law conceded, realising Irish self-determination requires no mean feat. That is where we are at. But let there be no mistake. Should this come to pass, the actions of those who stabilised the rule will have played no part in the achievement. That in itself — and not for the first time — points to their direction of travel.

Regardless their scheming, we can only await what the time ahead comes to bring. Interesting times in store for sure — of that there can be no doubt. Bring Your Family and Friends.

For further information, please call: The class will be mostly seated, but standing practices can be done seated if necessary. No previous experience required; the class is designed for beginners and beneficial to all, whether you need healing, want more energy or are looking for a way to feel better. Healthy snacks will be provided.

There is another possible scenario that hardline unionists might go for: At the end of six weeks of campaigning, an official petition of recall to remove North Antrim MP Ian Paisley over corruption allegations has fallen just short of the number required.

Under legislation, the Westminster parliament automatically set in motion the petition of recall process after Mr Paisley was given a sitting day ban from the Commons, the longest on record for any MP.

The ban was imposed after it was uncovered that Paisley had received luxury holidays in return for lobbying then British Prime Minister David Cameron not to support a UN probe into human rights abuses by the Sri Lanka government.

As well as not declaring the holidays, the MP was found to have broken Commons lobbying rules. The disgraced MP is the first in Westminster history to face the recall process. There had also been strong criticism of the Electoral Office in the North after just three centres for signing the petition were opened.

The public locations in unionist town centres made it difficult, and potentially dangerous, for those signing the petition. It was claimed by the Electoral Office to be a violation of the secrecy rules. Despite rising opposition to Brexit and anger at the DUP over unrelated corruption allegations relating to a cash-for-ash green energy scheme, he was odds-on to win a by-election.

However, the failure of the recall petition has averted what would have been a bitter and deeply embarrassing political contest. Ulster Unionist Party Leader Robin Swann, who supported the recall, said public confidence in politics had collapsed. You might not think so, but the RHI inquiry is a sideshow. At the behest of the DUP the Irish government is kept at arms length. All to mollify the DUP. All proceeds will go to the families of the Jolly 51 Crew.

Please email Tim Stevens at tstevens gmail. Be the First to Comment Filed Under: Uncategorized Time for change Posted by Jim on.

Time for change Irish News Eitorial. Monday, September 17, May claims she is committed. Jackson was present in Ballymurphy throughout the three days in August when the paras turned the area into killing fields. He put on exactly the same performance in the Bogside five months later.

He is a murderer, a liar and a coward. Even before the smoke had cleared from Rossville Street on Bloody Sunday, Jackson was writing out fake accounts of every single killing and wounding.

His script was then typed out and distributed by British Army chiefs and the Ministry of Defence and sent by the Foreign Office to every British embassy and consulate in the world as the basis for answering any questions from local politicians or media. The fact that Bloody Sunday was a repeat performance in Derry of what had happened in Belfast links Ballymurphy and the Bogside together forever.

We pledge the Ballymurphy families our full support until justice is done. The Ballymurphy families have marched with us every year. Next January we hope that they and representatives of all other families bereaved by State killers will join with us and shout out with one voice our demand for truth and justice. We ask British journalists to ensure that we will never again have to watch Michael Jackson on television mouthing off about morality in war.

Before Bloody Sunday there was Ballymurphy. Its story must be told, according to Callum Macrae, the director of The Ballymurphy Precedent, a shorter version of which was broadcast on Channel 4 last weekend. There is a very real problem with these comments. I have just made a film that is not an attempt to rewrite history, but an attempt to tell a hidden history. Neither Bramall nor Carter will like it, but this is a story that needs to be told.

On 10 September, a renewed inquest begins into the Ballymurphy deaths. It can establish whether violence was justified. The victims in Ballymurphy included a priest who was attending another man who had been shot the other man survived — and a mother of eight children.

Several of the dead were shot more than once — some several times. No credible evidence has been presented suggesting they were armed. Autopsy reports reveal that several were shot in the back as they ran away from the paratroopers. Ten of the victims died of gunshot wounds — an 11th died of a heart attack during a confrontation with an armed Para patrol. Just as they did on Bloody Sunday, the army immediately released statements describing the victims as gunmen and terrorists. Those claims have never been withdrawn.

It was four decades before the Saville inquiry concluded that all the victims of the Bloody Sunday killings in Derry were innocent. But Saville also emphatically rejected any suggestion that the army sent 1 Para to Derry knowing what they were likely to do, or even that they intended to do it.

That effectively suggested Bloody Sunday was not the fault of either the government or the Ministry of Defence, and largely placed the blame on the commander of 1 Para. Scuffles at Ballymurphy memorial hall in August I believe that what happened in Ballymurphy makes that conclusion unsustainable. The Northern Ireland civil rights movement, which evolved in the late 60s, had virtually identical demands to those of Martin Luther King in the US. They were welcomed by most Catholics. In my film, Briege Voyle, the daughter of Joan Connolly, the mother of eight who would later be shot dead in Ballymurphy by the Paras, remembers her mother giving the soldiers tea and biscuits when they first arrived.

This was the law and order of an avowedly sectarian, Protestant state, with all its panoply of discriminatory practices. It was therefore inevitable that many Catholics who had initially welcomed the army as protectors soon began to see them as oppressors. There is another reason why the truth about Ballymurphy needs to be told; and in the long term, it is probably the most important reason of all.

If the culture of impunity, licence and, frankly, indiscipline that allowed these killings to happen is not acknowledged and addressed then the clear danger is that these kind of events could happen again. For that reason alone, I would suggest, Carter — as chief of the defence staff — should stand wholeheartedly behind the search for truth and justice over Ballymurphy, and all other incidents of concern involving British forces during the troubles.

Anything else would be an abdication of his responsibilities. On 10 September a renewed inquest begins into the Ballymurphy deaths. While an inquest cannot establish criminal responsibility, it can establish whether the violence was justified. For the relatives that would be a start. Operating out of a second-hand British police van, the gang, who are believed to based in the North, forced their way into an abandoned premises after it had been occupied by housing activists.

They illegally gained entry to the building using an angle grinder and a sledgehammer and then proceeded with a forced eviction. Outside, masked Gardai used batons, pepper-spray and direct assault to break up campaigners, before posing for media photographs. One young man suffered a head injury and concussion after he was dragged to the ground by masked men. Another was kicked in the head. Trinity student Conor Reddy, who suffered an injured neck and concussion, said he was attempting a peaceful sit-down protest on the road outside the property, when he was attacked.

The operation has exposed the reactionary agenda of the Minister for Justice Charlie Flanagan, and his new appointee, Drew Harris, a notorious British collusion figure who Flanagan made head of the 26 County police earlier this month. Within eight days, he sent out a masked police gang to engage in a violent show of strength which bears the hallmarks of fascism. The images sent shock waves through Irish social media. The following day, with little notice, a thousand people, young and old, male and female, marched through the streets in a rally of empowerment and defiance.

A woman in her 60s drove up from Kilkenny for the protest. Ireland is screwed and we need action now. It is thought the same untaxed British vehicle, with no front number plate and no record of vehicle testing — but using blue lights to convey a police function — was involved in a previous eviction on behalf of KBC bank in Balbriggan last February. On that occasion, anti-eviction activists said they believed loyalist paramilitaries and former British Army soldiers had been involved.

In a statement following the eviction, a spokesperson for the group said their campaign had received huge support and was stronger than ever. Ordinary tenants are being illegally and unjustly ousted from their homes, they said, thanks to the physical support of the state for evictions.

Amnesty International Ireland called for an investigation into the use of excessive force by gardai, while the Irish Council for Civil Liberties called for a report from Commissioner Drew Harris. The Disaster Relief Fund provides immediate financial assistance and disaster relief efforts to help displaced firefighters and their families while they continue to serve the surrounding communities.

The Fund has worked to provide disaster relief efforts throughout the years to members and their families affected by some of the most devastating hurricanes, floods and tornadoes that have affected our country. In addition to financial relief, The Fund works to assist members and their families in the disaster areas, providing incident command staff, communications, evacuation, food, medicine, behavioral health and counseling, building materials, crews for house repairs, transportation, and housing support.

The Rangers are pleased to provide special access to tickets to first responders, their families, and friends for Rangers First Responders Night on Tuesday, October 16 th , as the Rangers host the Colorado Avalanche at 7: A judicial review before the High Court in Belfast this week could have ordered Bradley to hold an Assembly election, which has been due since April The new law legislation will now mean there is no requirement for a Stormont vote until at least April It still takes place in the same universe as Family Guy and the characters have even crossed paths in his show on occasion.

But like American Dad! It has fewer cutaways, but they are still there, though, like Family Guy and the Golden Age Simpsons , this show still has bizarre asides from the plot and a lot of humor that breaks the fourth wall and mocks the FOX Network and America at large.

The series was launched in September It's notable for being renewed for a second season before the first episode had even aired, supposedly due to positive reaction to a deliberately leaked pilot. The fourth season began airing in October In April , it was announced that the show had been cancelled, but Fox denied these rumors. In May , Fox announced that the show would not be returning, and no more episodes would be produced, effectively ending the series.

With this news, The Cleveland Show is now the first Seth MacFarlane animated series to be canceled without promises of a revival show. You need to login to do this. Get Known if you don't have an account. I'm starting to feel like whoever's in charge of Fox's live-action sitcoms.

Oh JJ, you'd better not join a gaaang! I got a proposition for you.

The Cleveland Show is a Family Guy Spin-Off starring former bit character Cleveland Brown. The show follows Cleveland's new life in his hometown in Virginia as he remarries his old flame Donna and settles down to raise his own child, Cleveland Jr., now a morbidly obese, shy boy, and his two stepchildren, teenager Roberta and five-year-old Rallo. Ming's was first listed in the Directory of the City and County of Honolulu. There were Ming's stores on the mainland and goods were also sold through catalogues. Search the world's information, including webpages, images, videos and more. Google has many special features to help you find exactly what you're looking for.