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Individual data for 14, children survives from the Saint Paul, Minnesota survey whose stature closely approximated national norms. As well as anthropometry the survey recorded exact ages, street address and full name. These variables allow linkage to the census to obtain demographic and socioeconomic information.

Children in the entire survey linked set averaged 0. Sibship size strongly influenced height-for-age, and had weaker influence on weight-for-age. Each additional child six or underreduced height-for-age scores by 0. Teenage siblings had little effect on height-forage. Social class effects were substantial. Children of laborers averaged half a standard deviation shorter than children of professionals.

More specifically, growth potential is largely determined by genetic inheritance rigidity , but the extent of its achievement depends on environmental conditions, broadly conceived, over the growth period flexibility Silventoinen, Moreover, people are capable of surviving poor conditions in one period of their life and catching up on some of their missed potential growth and development later in their childhood or adolescence Bogin, Thus, poor nutrition in childhood is manifested in both stature growth below genetic potential, and compromised neurocognitive development Heckman, The association—commonly observed across time and space—between being short and having somewhat poorer educational and economic outcomes arises from the same underlying cause: In this paper we address a modern version of that question with old data, asking how family structure and household economic resources affected the stature of young children.

The survey explicitly marked children with sub-standard growth for potential follow-up and intervention, showing that the consequences of compromised growth have been known for a long time. We measure the correlates of childhood growth in Saint Paul by linking the anthropometric survey to the more detailed demographic and socio-economic information collected in the census.

From the census we are able to derive measures of household structure and resources including: The data on family structure permits a test of the quality-quantity trade-off using stature-for-age as a measure of child quality.

As Hatton shows in an article in this issue, stature, and more broadly health, may be a more responsive domain to child quality-quantity trade-offs than outcomes such as education Hatton, By contrast the early twentieth century United States was characterized by relatively large families and relatively low incomes. As in Britain and the United States, this was an era of differential fertility decline where better educated parents reduced fertility earlier J.

The findings from modern scholars using historical data illustrate how the domain of research on childhood growth and development has changed since the collection of the original data. In the early twentieth century United States—and other high income countries in Europe and Australasia—much of the research on childhood growth and development focused on establishing population norms and variability for single variables, and statistical associations between different bodily dimensions at an individual level Baldwin, In countries including Britain and New Zealand school-based nutrition programs were instituted during the Depression in response to these concerns Atkins, ; New Zealand Milk Board, In the United States widespread government subsidies and provision of food and drink for children began on a small scale late in the Depression, and then increased significantly in the decades after World War II through the school lunch program Levine, Subsequently, increasing understanding of the links between nutrition, physical growth and development have had a significant impact on policy towards children since World War II.

More recently, policy makers and health practitioners in lower and middle income countries have been challenged by increasingly prevalent childhood obesity, at the same time as large numbers—but lower proportions—of children remain undernourished Popkin, In the United States and other high-income countries nutritional interventions such as subsidized meals at schools have succeeded at reducing the prevalence of children not receiving enough calories.

The modern pattern and challenge of childhood diet in the United States is low quality nutrition, with children eating a diet often sufficient in calories from processed food, but lacking important micronutrients important for physical and cognitive development. This is in stark contrast to the calorie deficit sustained over many years that poorer children endured in the early twentieth century.

Thus, the association of early-life malnutrition with socioeconomic status, and the effect of malnutrition on later outcomes remain an important research question and policy challenge. Sustained nutritional deficits while a person is growing result in individual stature falling short of maximum potential height. Children and adolescents put calories to the immediate task of replenishing energy and fighting disease, before they can grow taller.

If a growing person is persistently sick or expending more calories than they take in, growth will slow. When these nutritional deficits are widespread across the population, average stature will fall Jelenkovic, et al. There are three main causes of nutritional deficits, which while analytically separate are not mutually exclusive: Changes in the average stature of the population are subject to several influences. Thus changes in average stature do not identify the causes of change.

Rather, changes in average stature show when different cohorts, who are presumed to have the same genetic potential for achieving a particular height, have grown at different rates. Once these periods of changing stature are identified, the contemporaneous influences on net nutrition must be investigated to identify the potential causes of changing stature. Much of the literature on stature as a measure of population well being in the past has focused on adults who have achieved their terminal height.

Scholars have largely used samples drawn from military and prison sources, where institutional requirements to classify and identify individuals led to the collection of heights from large numbers of individuals, mostly men Steckel, , In the United States, nineteenth century slave trade manifests have provided another source for studying stature in historical populations. Notably, the slave manifests include women and children as well as adult men.

From these sources Steckel and colleagues have shown that slave children had a distinctive growth pattern. Slave children deprived of nutrients at a very young age when they could not make a contribution as workers, but caught up somewhat later in childhood when fed more because they were working Steckel, In less extreme circumstances than slavery the stature of children can also reveal important trends in how society treats children in different circumstances.

Shortfalls in mean stature-for-age for particular groups can highlight the more or less favoured position of girls or boys. One might expect to see boys do better within the family, that is be taller for their age than girls in the same family, because boys were fed more to reflect their earning potential.

Yet physical labour may retard childhood growth potential, so that children exposed to the labour market may end up shorter. Children in smaller and larger families may also have a differing growth pattern. First-born and higher-order children may be expected to be taller for their age than their younger siblings because more of their growth period occurs when there is less competition within the household for resources. The net effect of these influences across different families is reflected in average stature, conditional on family circumstances and gender.

A complication of using childhood stature as a measure of well being is that children are growing. The shortest six-year old will almost certainly be taller than the tallest two-year old. Girls and boys also have different growth norms, though male and female infants begin life with very similar distributions of height and weight. The standard approach in the recent anthropometric literature is to compare the historical stature of children to modern growth norms E.

Examining school children, Bernard Harris found that early twentieth century British girls tended to be slightly taller for their age than boys, but after puberty boys overtook girls in comparisons to modern growth standards Harris, In a slightly different context Schneider found that girls entered orphanages in late nineteenth century Boston and London at lower percentiles of modern height standards than boys, suggesting girls were worse off E.

In the inter-war era Hatton and Martin found that boys and girls in the Boyd-Orr survey of working class families in Britain reached the same height-for-age compared to modern standards. Hatton and Martin found more significant effects of family size and structure on childhood stature.

Indeed, as Baldwin showed in an extensive bibliography, data on stature for millions of children had been published by the early s Baldwin, , reflecting a contemporary interest in growth from physiologists, psychologists and the broader social policy and public health community Tanner, The uniqueness of this paper highlights how much original data was destroyed.

National growth norms for children up to age six were published, based on the selection of the best , measurements Woodbury, The data that we use from Saint Paul, Minnesota, appears to be the only surviving microdata from the nationwide data collection. In England infant mortality fell to the lowest it had ever been during war times Rude, The contemporary analyses of the data from the Weighing and Measuring Test focused on variations in stature across geographical differences, urban versus rural homes, and the nationality of parents or grandparents Woodbury, The purpose of the campaign was to encourage children to stay in school until at least age 16, although minimum legal leaving ages in most states remained lower.

Many had left school early with the incentive of the wartime wages to make up for their fathers who had gone to war. Keeping children in school for two additional years beyond the common compulsory schooling age of 14 was promoted as an investment in future generations. Organized activities in schools promoted increased physical adeptness and skill, a better-trained eye, and more developed reflexive skills. Minutes for their fortnightly meetings during and make no mention of the Weighing and Measuring Test, and how it was organized.

However, the survey cards describing individuals record where children were measured, and who measured them giving us some insight into the data collection process. Nearly all of the children in the Saint Paul data appeared to have been measured by registered nurses or doctors. In short, what we can glean about the process of the survey suggests that it was largely carried out by public health and medical professionals giving us greater confidence in the quality of the data.

Although the Saint Paul data was not included in the national growth norms published in the early s, the microdata provides an opportunity to examine how social class and family structure influenced childhood growth in early twentieth century America.

To what extent was Saint Paul a typical urban environment for American children in ? In , the closest U. With its contiguous neighbour Minneapolis, the Twin Cities had a population of more than , Like other Midwestern and East Coast cities the population was largely white and either immigrants themselves or the descendants of immigrants.

Thus, two thirds of the city was foreign-born or of foreign descent. The African American population was small, and at the time of the survey few African Americans had settled in Saint Paul.

Just sixty-one African American children are present in the data; too few for us to draw any separate conclusions about this population.

The Great Migration of African Americans to Midwestern and Northeastern cities was underway at precisely the time the Weighing and Measuring Test was taking place, making it less likely that African American children would be included in the data Taylor, More broadly Saint Paul, and the Twin Cities in general, had a smaller African American population than other comparable cities.

While 3, African Americans were resident in Saint Paul in there were few young children in the population just aged six or under. Saint Paul was an industrial city: Nine per cent of the population, and a quarter of working men were engaged in manufacturing.

Clothing, printing, and shoe making were among the single largest industries in the city, all industries structured around relatively small workshops and factories Bureau of the Census, The largest employers in Saint Paul were railroads: The health and nutritional environment of the city was somewhat better than the American average.

Yet the run-up in nominal prices was no more pronounced in Saint Paul than elsewhere in the country. Thus, Saint Paul children who were weighed and measured in were demographically similar to their peers in other large cities: But Saint Paul children had experienced somewhat better health and nutritional conditions than children in larger and denser cities such as New York, Boston, or Chicago. The cards are one half of a standard US Letter piece of paper and record the name, address, age or date of birth, height and weight, and serious illness of children Figure 1.

Demographic information about parents was written onto some of the cards by some of the social workers and nurses who took the survey, but was not systematically collected. Reflecting the organization of the data collection, the cards are archived geographically by wards of the city. Within each ward the cards were ordered alphabetically, such that siblings were clearly identifiable: Sibling relationships were confirmed during the process of linking to the census, as family relationships were directly enumerated in the census.

St Paul Women - St Paul Girls - St Paul Ladies (Minnesota, United States)

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It also took the No. The city lays claim to seven Frank Lloyd Wright-designed structures. Norfolk leapt from the No.

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San Francisco, California Street art, public parks, and coffee were just a few points of pride for San Franciscans this year. Santa Fe, New Mexico "Santa Fe is one of those very few American cities that still has its own uniqueness," one survey taker ventured. Norfolk, Virginia Norfolk leapt from the No. Home Boys High School Fall. This volunteer website covers all of the sports teams in the Saint Paul City Conference: Trivia question of the week:.

Paul schools have won the state championship. Highland Park, after finishing runner-up in and , won the title in Two years later, Johnson captured the state title. Saturday, October 27, today.

Football -- Boys 1: North Section 4AA 6: Isaacson, Moberg, Franzen , 3: Site designed and donated by UrbanPlanet Software. Trivia question of the week: With the volleyball playoffs beginning this week, when, if ever, has a City Conference school won the state championship? See answer Twice St.

Columbia Heights vs St. Highland Park vs Mahtomedi. Maple Lake vs Mpls North. Concordia Academy vs St. Cannon Falls vs Breck.

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