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Other Japanese military leaders in charge at the time of the Nanking Massacre were not tried. Prince Kan'in , chief of staff of the Imperial Japanese Army during the massacre, had died before the end of the war in May Prince Asaka was granted immunity because of his status as a member of the imperial family. General Iwane Matsui []. General Hisao Tani []. On May 1, , SCAP officials interrogated Prince Asaka , who was the ranking officer in the city at the height of the atrocities, about his involvement in the Nanking Massacre and the deposition was submitted to the International Prosecution Section of the Tokyo tribunal.

Asaka denied the existence of any massacre and claimed never to have received complaints about the conduct of his troops. The prosecution began the Nanking phase of its case in July Wilson , a surgeon and a member of the International Committee for the Nanking Safety Zone, took the witness stand first. Fitch , Lewis S. Smythe , and James McCallum filed affidavits with their diaries and letters.

Another piece of evidence that was submitted to the tribunal was Harold Timperley's telegram regarding the Nanking Massacre which had been intercepted and decoded by the Americans on January 17, According to Matsui's own diary, one day after he made the ceremonial triumphal entry into the city on December 17, , he instructed the chiefs of staff from each division to tighten military discipline and try to eradicate the sense of disdain for Chinese people among their soldiers.

On February 7, , Matsui delivered a speech at a memorial service for the Japanese officers and men of the Shanghai Expeditionary Force who were killed in action. In front of the high-ranking officers, Domei News Agency reported, he emphasized the necessity to "put an end to various reports affecting the prestige of the Japanese troops.

The entry for the same day in Matsui's diary read, "I could only feel sadness and responsibility today, which has been overwhelmingly piercing my heart. This is caused by the Army's misbehaviors after the fall of Nanking and failure to proceed with the autonomous government and other political plans. Matsui's defence varied between denying the mass-scale atrocities and evading his responsibility for what had happened.

Eventually he ended up making numerous conflicting statements. In the interrogation in Sugamo prison preceding the trial Matsui admitted that he heard about the many outrages committed by his troops from Japanese diplomats when he entered Nanking on December 17, In the same interrogation session before the trial Matsui said one officer and three low-ranking soldiers were court-martialled because of their misbehavior in Nanking and the officer was sentenced to death.

In his affidavit Matsui said he ordered his officers to investigate the massacre and to take necessary action. In court, however, Matsui said that he did not have jurisdiction over the soldiers' misconduct since he was not in the position of supervising military discipline and morals. Matsui asserted that he had never ordered the execution of Chinese POWs. He further argued that he had directed his army division commanders to discipline their troops for criminal acts, and was not responsible for their failure to carry out his directives.

At trial, Matsui went out of his way to protect Prince Asaka by shifting blame to lower ranking division commanders. Matsui was convicted by a majority of the judges at the Tokyo tribunal who ruled that he bore ultimate responsibility for the "orgy of crime" at Nanking because, "He did nothing, or nothing effective, to abate these horrors. Organized and wholesale murder of male civilians was conducted with the apparent sanction of the commanders on the pretext that Chinese soldiers had removed their uniforms and were mingling with the population.

Groups of Chinese civilians were formed, bound with their hands behind their backs, and marched outside the walls of the city where they were killed in groups by machine gun fire and with bayonets. On November 12, , Matsui and Hirota, along with five other convicted Class-A war criminals, were sentenced to death by hanging.

Eighteen others received lesser sentences. The death sentence imposed on Hirota, a six-to-five decision by the eleven judges, shocked the general public and prompted a petition on his behalf, which soon gathered over , signatures but did not succeed in commuting the Minister's sentence.

China and Japan have both acknowledged the occurrence of wartime atrocities. Before the s , China did relatively little to draw attention to the Nanking massacre. In her book Rape of Nanking, Iris Chang asserted that the politics of the Cold War encouraged Chairman Mao to stay relatively silent about Nanking in order to keep a trade relationship with Japan. The major waves of Japanese treatment of these events have ranged from total cover-up during the war, confessions and documentation by the Japanese soldiers during the s and s, minimization of the extent of the Nanking Massacre during the s and s, official Japanese government distortion and rewriting of history during the s, and total denial of the occurrence of the Nanking Massacre by some government officials in The debate concerning the massacre took place mainly in the s.

During this time, the Chinese government's statements about the event were attacked by the Japanese because they were said to rely too heavily on personal testimonies and anecdotal evidence.

Aspersions were cast regarding the authenticity and accuracy of burial records and photographs presented in the Tokyo War Crime Court, which the Japanese government claimed were fabrications by the Chinese government, artificially manipulated or incorrectly attributed to the Nanking Massacre.

In response, Shichihei Yamamoto [] and Akira Suzuki [] wrote two controversial yet influential articles [ clarification needed ] which sparked the negationist movement. In , in an attempt to refute the allegations of war crimes in Nanking, the Japanese Army Veterans Association Kaikosha interviewed former Japanese soldiers who had served in the Nanking area from — Instead of refuting the allegations, the interviewed veterans confirmed that a massacre had taken place and openly described and admitted to taking part in the atrocities.

The results of the survey were published in the association's magazine, Kaiko , in along with an admission and apology that read, "Whatever the severity of war or special circumstances of war psychology, we just lose words faced with this mass illegal killing.

As those who are related to the prewar military, we simply apologize deeply to the people of China. It was truly a regrettable act of barbarity. On August 15, , the fiftieth anniversary of the Surrender of Japan , the Japanese prime minister Tomiichi Murayama gave the first clear and formal apology for Japanese actions during the war. He apologized for Japan's aggression and the great suffering that it inflicted in Asia.

He offered his apology to all survivors and to the relatives and friends of the victims. That day, the prime minister and the Japanese Emperor Akihito pronounced statements of mourning at Tokyo's Nippon Budokan. The emperor offered his condolences and expressed the hope that such atrocities would never be repeated. Iris Chang , author of The Rape of Nanking , criticized Murayama for not providing the written apology that had been expected. She said that the people of China "don't believe that an On June 19, , a group of around Liberal Democratic Party LDP lawmakers again denounced the Nanjing Massacre as a fabrication, arguing that there was no evidence to prove the allegations of mass killings by Japanese soldiers.

They accused Beijing of using the alleged incident as a "political advertisement". On February 20, , Takashi Kawamura , mayor of Nagoya , told a visiting delegation from Nanjing that the massacre "probably never happened". Two days later he defended his remarks, saying, "Even since I was a national Diet representative, I have said [repeatedly] there was no [Nanjing] massacre that resulted in murders of several hundred thousands of people.

On February 24, , Tokyo governor Shintaro Ishihara said that he also believes that the Nanjing massacre never happened. He reportedly claims it would have been impossible to kill so many people in such a short period of time. On February 3, , Naoki Hyakuta , a member of the board of governors of Japan's public broadcasting company, NHK , was quoted as saying the massacre never occurred. The memory of the Nanking Massacre has been a stumbling block in Sino-Japanese relations since the early s.

Bilateral exchanges on trade, culture and education have increased greatly since the two countries normalized their bilateral relations and Japan became China's most important trading partner. Despite this, many Chinese people still have a strong sense of mistrust and animosity toward Japan that originates from the memory of Japanese war crimes such as the Nanking Massacre.

This sense of mistrust is strengthened by the belief that Japan is unwilling to admit to and apologize for the atrocities. Takashi Yoshida described how changing political concerns and perceptions of the "national interest" in Japan, China, and the U.

Yoshida contended that over time the event has acquired different meanings to different people. People from mainland China saw themselves as the victims.

For Japan, it was a question they needed to answer, but were reluctant to do so because they too identified themselves as victims after the A-bombs. Yoshida has argued that the Nanking Massacre has figured in the attempts of all three nations as they work to preserve and redefine national and ethnic pride and identity, assuming different kinds of significance based on each country's changing internal and external enemies.

Many Japanese prime ministers have visited the Yasukuni Shrine , a shrine for Japanese war deaths up until the end of the Second World War, which includes war criminals that were involved in the Nanking Massacre. In the museum adjacent to the shrine, a panel informs visitors that there was no massacre in Nanjing, but that Chinese soldiers in plain clothes were "dealt with severely". In former Japanese prime minister Junichiro Koizumi made a pilgrimage to the shrine despite warnings from China and South Korea.

His decision to visit the shrine regardless sparked international outrage. Although Koizumi denied that he was trying to glorify war or historical Japanese militarism , the Chinese Foreign Ministry accused Koizumi of "wrecking the political foundations of China-Japan relations".

An official from South Korea said they would summon the Tokyo ambassador to protest. Yoshida asserts that "Nanking has figured in the attempts of all three nations [China, Japan and the United States] to preserve and redefine national and ethnic pride and identity, assuming different kinds of significance based on each country's changing internal and external enemies.

In Japan, the Nanking Massacre touches upon national identity and notions of "pride, honor and shame". Yoshida argues that "Nanking crystallizes a much larger conflict over what should constitute the ideal perception of the nation: Japan, as a nation, acknowledges its past and apologizes for its wartime wrongdoings; or The government of Japan believe it can not be denied that the killing of a large number of noncombatants, looting and other acts by Japanese army occurred.

However, the actual number of victims is hard to be determined according to government of Japan. According to a brief reference to Nanking at the Yasukuni museum in Tokyo, the Japanese general in charge gave his men maps showing foreign settlements and a civilian "safety zone", and ordered them to maintain strict military discipline.

The visitor is left to assume they did. The museum notes only that "Chinese soldiers disguised in civilian clothes, which numbered around [47] were severely prosecuted". This nationalist view does not, however, represent a widely shared understanding of what happened at Nanking, as illustrated by Japanese textbooks' rather different treatment of the atrocity. While the books' take on Nanking is stilted and feels like the product of a committee, in various versions they acknowledge the deaths of thousands of Chinese including women and children, as well as looting, arson and assaults by Japanese soldiers.

They do not spell out the sexual nature of these assaults. In regard to the number of victims of this Nanjing Massacre Another history textbook prepared by the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, which had been approved by the government in , attempts to whitewash Japan's war record during the s and early s.

It referred to the Nanjing massacre as an "incident", and glossed over the issue of comfort women. The Nanking massacre has emerged as one fundamental keystone in the construction of the modern Chinese national identity. According to Xinhua News Agency , it is the most complete record to date. It also lists the Japanese army units that were responsible for each of the deaths and states the way in which the victims were killed.

Zhang Xianwen, editor-in-chief of the report, states that the information collected was based on "a combination of Chinese, Japanese and Western raw materials, which is objective and just and is able to stand the trial of history.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For the Nankin Jiken, see Nanking incident of Please see the relevant discussion on the discussion page. Do not move the page until the discussion has reached consensus for the change and is closed. Culture Economy Education Geography Politics. This section does not cite any sources.

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This section relies largely or entirely on a single source. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please help improve this article by introducing citations to additional sources. Contest to kill people using a sword. Skeletons of the massacre's victims. Estimates of the death toll for the Nanking Massacre.

A memorial stone at Yanziji in Nanjing, for victims in the Nanjing Massacre. Historiography of the Nanking Massacre. List of war apology statements issued by Japan. Japanese history textbook controversies. We have surrounded the city of Nanking The Japanese Army shall show no mercy toward those who offer resistance, treating them with extreme severity, but shall harm neither innocent civilians nor Chinese military [personnel] who manifest no hostility.

It is our earnest desire to preserve the East Asian culture. If your troops continue to fight, war in Nanking is inevitable. The culture that has endured for a millennium will be reduced to ashes, and the government that has lasted for a decade will vanish into thin air. This commander-in-chief issues [b]ills to your troops on behalf of the Japanese Army. Open the gates to Nanking in a peaceful manner, and obey the [f]ollowing instructions.

Fact and Fable ". Archived from the original on February 28, Archived from the original on October 26, The Nanking Atrocity, — Archived from the original PDF on Retrieved March 16, Archived from the original PDF on March 6, Retrieved May 30, The Massacre in History. International Military Tribunal for the Far East".

Conventional War Crimes Atrocities. Iris Chang, the Holocaust and the Challenge of Nanking". Retrieved February 23, Recent Research and Trends". The Nanjing Massacre in History and Historiography. Research Committee on the Nanking Incident Tokyo: Kashiwa Shobo, , pp. The Unpredictability of the Past. What is the view of the Government of Japan on the incident known as the "Nanjing Massacre"?

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. NewsHour with Jim Lehrer. Archived from the original on February 22, The Making of the "Rape of Nanking" , pp. Knopf, , pp. The Japan Times Online. The World's Bloodiest History. War Guilt Amid Fabricated Illusions, —75". The Journal of Japanese Studies. Japanese court rules newspaper didn't fabricate Chinese killing game". Archived from the original on February 25, Archived from the original on May 12, Memories of a Japanese outrage".

Archived from the original on The Rape of Nanking — , Deaths ". Retrieved 27 March Nihon Tosho Kankokai, , Retrieved 26 January They were in Nanjing: The good man of Nanking: Widespread Incidents of Rape". Japanese Imperialism and the Massacre in Nanjing. Widespread Incidents of Rape. Retrieved October 11, The Courage of Minnie Vautrin , , p.

The Rape of Nanking , Penguin Books, , pg.

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