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Formed in Belfast on 9 April , [1] the civil rights campaign attempted to achieve reform by publicising, documenting, and lobbying for an end to discrimination in areas such as elections which were subject to gerrymandering and property requirements , discrimination in employment, in public housing and alleged abuses of the Special Powers Act.

During its formation, NICRA's membership extended to trade unionists, communists, liberals, socialists, with republicans eventually constituting five of the 13 members of its executive council. The organisation initially also had some unionists, with Young Unionist Robin Cole taking a position on its executive council. Since Northern Ireland's creation in , the Catholic minority had suffered from varying degrees of discrimination from the Protestant and Unionist majority.

In fact laws against religious discrimination were enshrined in what was Northern Ireland's constitution — the Government of Ireland Act No Government of Northern Ireland, even if they had wanted to, could create laws which overtly discriminated against any religious body of peoples. The most relevant text in the Act was 5 The property franchise which granted votes in local elections only to those who owned property weighted representation heavily in favour of the Protestant community, as did the plural business votes they enjoyed for parliamentary elections.

Electoral boundaries were carefully engineered: Belfast's representatives in Stormont went from 4 to 16 in , but there was no increase in the nationalist representation, and Belfast continued to return one Nationalist MP member of parliament.

In the elections to the Westminster parliament, the Ulster Unionist Party won 11 of Northern Ireland's available 12 seats, while in Stormont elections some 39 out of the 52 available seats i. The Stormont Assembly returned the Ulster Unionist Party to office continuously between Northern Ireland's founding in and the abolition of the Parliament in Since , the Campaign for Social Justice had been collating and publicising in its journal The Plain Truth what it regarded as evidence of discrimination.

Its precursor, the Homeless Citizens League , had been holding marches to press for fair allocation of social housing. The idea of developing a non-partisan civil rights campaign into one with wider objectives as an alternative to military operations, which the IRA Army Council had formally ceased on 26 February , [27] was pursued by the Dublin Wolfe Tone Society , [3] although redirecting the civil rights movement to assist in the achievement of republican objectives had been mooted previously by others including C.

Desmond Greaves , then a member of the Connolly Association as "the way to undermine Ulster unionism". The concept set out in the August bulletin Tuarisc of the Wolfe Tone Societies was to "demand more than may be demanded by the compromising elements that exist among the Catholic leadership.

Seek to associate as wide a section of the community as possible with these demands, in particular the well-intentioned people in the Protestant population and the trade union movement. At a meeting which took place in Maghera on 13—14 August at the home of Kevin Agnew a Derry republican solicitor , [32] attended by the Wolfe Tone Societies of Dublin, Cork, Belfast, Derry and County Tyrone, and the IRA's chief of staff, Cathal Goulding , [33] it was proposed that an organisation be created with wider civil rights objectives as its stated aim.

After these discussions it was decided to drop the Wolfe Tone Societies tag, [ why? It was agreed that another meeting should be called to launch a civil rights body and this took place in Belfast on 29 January Tony Smythe and James Shepherd from the National Council of Civil Liberties in London were present and there were more than delegates from a variety of organisations, including Northern Ireland political parties.

The member steering committee tasked by the Belfast meeting with drafting NICRA's constitution of whom one, Dolley, had taken part at the meeting at Agnew's house were: Betty Sinclair became chairman. Robin Cole, a liberal member of the Young Unionists and chairman of the Queen's University Belfast Conservative and Unionist Association, was later co-opted onto the executive council. The form which NICRA took was determined by the coalition of forces which came together to create it, of which republicans were only one element.

NICRA's executive council brought together such diverse groups as the republican Wolfe Tone Society and the Campaign for Social Justice , whose founders and leaders believed traditional nationalist politics were ineffective in serving the needs of the Catholic minority.

The constitution emphasised the association's character as non-party and non-denominational, and as a body which would make representations on the broad issues of civil liberties and would also take up individual cases of discrimination and ill-treatment and stated NICRA's aims as "to assist in the maintenance of civil liberties, including freedom of speech, propaganda and assembly".

It had six main demands: In conscious imitation of the philosophy of, and tactics used, by the American Civil Rights Movement , [43] and modeled somewhat on the National Council for Civil Liberties , the new organisation held marches, pickets, sit-ins and protests to pressure the Government of Northern Ireland to grant these demands. Internationally, given the widespread attention, particularly in the United States in the s relating to civil and minority rights, NICRA secured much wider international and internal support than traditional nationalist protests had done.

NICRA's innovation drawing on the approach adopted by the Campaign for Social Justice was to rely on and seek to vindicate civil rights, i. However, from the outset there were tensions within the association between those advocating militant and confrontational methods, in particular the socialist and republican elements of the movement, such as Eamonn McCann , Michael Farrell and Cyril Toman , and those who remained wedded to the pacifist American civil rights model.

The republican movement was influential in getting NICRA to participate in protest marches, however, due to the various different groups that made up NICRA, it could not control the organisation's direction.

The radical views of individuals within NICRA were highlighted by a commission of inquiry set up by the British Government following the spread of civil unrest in The report by a Scottish judge, Lord Cameron stated, "certain at least of those who were prominent in the Association had objects far beyond the 'reformist' character of the majority of Civil Rights Association demands, and undoubtedly regarded the Association as a stalking-horse for achievement of other and more radical and in some cases revolutionary objects, in particular abolition of the border, unification of Ireland outside the United Kingdom and the setting up of an all-Ireland Workers' Socialist Republic.

After extended discussion the proposal was agreed and a march organised for 24 August. A counter-protest was planned by Ian Paisley 's Ulster Protestant Volunteers, who viewed that the proposed march through the unionist-dominated Market Square was provocative.

The call for a reroute was supported by the Unionist mayor of Dungannon district. The Tyrone Brigade of the IRA sought permission from its Dublin headquarters to participate, resulting in a call for as many republicans to attend from Northern Ireland as possible.

The NICRA march took place on 24 August , attracting around 2, people and was followed by five nationalist marching bands from Coalisland to Dungannon, noted was the presence of republican Billy McMillen. Speeches were generally considered 'mild' with the exception of the address given by Gerry Fitt who said:. The march is considered to have passed off peacefully, though there are accounts of minor stone throwings with several marchers trying to break through the police line only to be rebuffed by the RUC and restrained by the marshalls.

The crowds dispersed without incident. The Coalisland-Dungannon march was considered a "disappointing anti-climax" and some more radical marchers felt that the police barricade should have been broken and that future police barricades would be broken.

The route proposed on behalf of the Civil Rights Association was one commonly followed by 'Protestant' and 'Loyalist' marches in Derry. Local Unionists objected to the route of the march through what was viewed Unionist-dominated territory, and were concerned that the war memorial in the diamond would not be respected.

Unionists opposition hardened after Cathal Goulding , then IRA chief of staff, appeared on Ulster television on 27 September claiming that the IRA were actively supporting the civil rights campaign.

With the march banned, and fearing that the presence of radicals may lead to violence, some members of the NICRA's executive believed that they should withdraw their support for the march and unsuccessfully lobbied the Derry Housing Action Committee to call the march off.

At a meeting of the South Derry IRA it was decided to push any of the politicians present on the day of the march into the police lines if marchers were blocked. The marchers decided to ignore the rerouting and were stopped by the Royal Ulster Constabulary before it had properly begun. After several marchers were hit by police batons, with Fitt being hospitalised, the marchers sat down and gave short speeches. This was followed by some retaliation from the marchers who hurdled stones and placards at the police, the police eventually moved in with batons chasing and hitting those who fell by the wayside.

Some demonstrators had managed to filter into the Diamond in small groups, however this saw the arrival of a large crowd of angry Catholic youths who had not participated in the march but who then provoked the police.

Having forced the youths back down to the Bogside with baton-charges, a stone-throwing confrontation took place between Catholics and police. Having pushed the police back to the Diamond, the fighting continued and the next day petrol bombs were thrown and shops looted.

In one go it brought the full spectre of sectarianism in Northern Ireland to the fore and started the chain of events that led to the bitter intercommunal violence that would degenerate into The Troubles.

As a result of the announcement of various reforms, NICRA declared a halt to marches until 11 January , while People's Democracy disagreed with this stance. Leading Derry Housing Action Committee member, Eamonn McCann , later admitted "our conscious if unspoken strategy was to provoke the police into over-reaction and thus spark off a mass reaction against the authorities".

Events escalated until August , when the annual Apprentice Boys of Derry march was attacked as it marched through the city's walls and past a perimeter with the nationalist Bogside. Initially some loyalist supporters had thrown pennies down from the walls onto Catholics in the Bogside. Catholics then threw nails and stones at loyalists leading to an intense confrontation starting.

Rioting quickly spread throughout nationalist areas in Northern Ireland, where at least seven were killed, and hundreds wounded. Thousands of Catholics were driven from their homes by loyalists. These events are often seen as the start of the Troubles. In a subsequent official inquiry, Lord Scarman concluded, "We are satisfied that the spread of the disturbances [in Derry in August ] owed much to a deliberate decision of some minority groups to relieve police pressure on the rioters in Londonderry.

Amongst these groups must be included NICRA, whose executive decided to organise demonstrators in the Province so as to prevent reinforcement of the police in Londonderry. The introduction of internment was not a closely guarded secret, with newspaper editorials appearing and discussion on television. The IRA went underground or fled across the border.

As a result, fewer than arrested were from the IRA. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.

October Learn how and when to remove this template message. Battle of the Bogside and Northern Ireland riots. One Europe, Many Nations: The Making of Ireland: A Very Short Introduction , pg. Retrieved 20 February Political Forces and Social Classes. Ulster Society Publications Ltd. General Overview , Institute for Conflict Research An Analysis of Census Data' in R. Osborne editors "Religion, Education and Employment: Aspects of Equal Opportunity in Northern Ireland".

Note that Coogan's list of members of what he describes as "the first committee" is not accurate: Civil Rights — "We Shall Overcome" Peace in Their Time: War and Peace in Ireland and Southern Africa. Retrieved 18 August Cameron Report — Disturbances in Northern Ireland". Retrieved 19 April Retrieved 23 April Retrieved 25 February Derry March — Chronology of events".

Retrieved 15 August A Chronology of the Troubles, — Retrieved from " https:

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After spending several years in prison and becoming a born again Christian , Wright resumed his UVF activities and became commander of its Mid-Ulster Brigade in the early s, taking over from Robin "the Jackal" Jackson.

According to the Royal Ulster Constabulary , Wright was involved in the sectarian killings of up to 20 Catholics , although he was never convicted for any. In , the UVF and other paramilitary groups called ceasefires. However, in July , Wright's unit broke the ceasefire and carried out a number of attacks, including a sectarian killing.

Wright ignored the threats and, along with many of his followers, defiantly formed the breakaway Loyalist Volunteer Force LVF , becoming its leader. The group carried out a string of killings of Catholic civilians. In March he was sent to the Maze Prison for having threatened the life of a woman. While imprisoned, Wright continued to direct the LVF's activities. The LVF carried out a wave of sectarian attacks in retaliation. There was speculation that the authorities colluded in his killing as he was a threat to the peace process.

An inquiry found no evidence of this, but concluded there were serious failings by the prison authorities. Owing to his uncompromising stance as an upholder of Ulster loyalism and opposition to the Northern Ireland peace process, Wright is regarded as a cult hero, icon , and martyr by hardline loyalists.

His image adorned murals in loyalist housing estates and many of his devotees have tattoos bearing his likeness. He was also a figure who struck fear into the local Catholic community. He was the only son of five children. In the family returned to Northern Ireland and Wright soon came under the influence of his maternal uncle Cecil McKinley, a member of the Orange Order. About three years later, Wright's parents separated and his mother decided to leave her children behind when she transferred once more to England.

None of the Wright siblings would ever see their mother again. Wright and his four sisters Elizabeth, Jackie, Angela and Connie were placed in foster care by the welfare authorities.

He was raised separately from his sisters in a children's home in Mountnorris , South Armagh a predominantly Irish nationalist area. Wright was brought up in the Presbyterian religion of his mother and attended church twice on Sundays. Nor were his family extreme Ulster loyalists.

Wright's father, while campaigning for an inquest into his son's death, later described loyalist killings as "abhorrent". Wright's sister Angela maintained that he personally got on well with Catholics, and that he was only anti- Irish republican and anti-IRA. During this time Wright's opinions moved towards loyalism and soon he got into trouble for writing the initials "UVF" on a local Catholic primary school wall.

When he refused to clean off the vandalism, Wright was transferred from the area and sent to live with an aunt in Portadown. In the more strongly loyalist environment of Portadown, nicknamed the "Orange Citadel", [14] Wright was, along with other working-class Protestant teenagers in the area, targeted by the loyalist paramilitary organisation, the Ulster Volunteer Force UVF as a potential recruit.

He was then trained in the use of weapons and explosives. The popular Irish cabaret band had been returning from a performance in Banbridge in the early hours of 31 July when they were ambushed at Buskhill, County Down by armed men from the UVF's Mid-Ulster Brigade at a bogus military checkpoint. Along with Boyle and Somerville, three band members had died in the attack when the UVF gunmen had opened fire on the group following the premature explosion.

Boyle and Somerville had allegedly served as role models for Wright. However, in his work The Trigger Men , Dillon broke from this version of events and instead concluded that Wright had actually been sworn into the YCV in when he was 14 years of age. Wright's sister Angela told Dillon that her brother's decision to join the UVF had in fact had nothing to do with the Miami Showband killings and Dillon then concluded that Wright had encouraged this version of events as he felt linking his own UVF membership to the activities of his heroes Boyle and Somerville added an origin myth to his own life as a loyalist killer.

In , shortly after Wright joined the organisation, he was caught in possession of illegal weapons and sentenced to five years in a wing of HMP Maze Maze Prison reserved for paramilitary youth offenders. According to Wright's sister Angela, he later claimed that he had been subjected to a number of indignities by the interrogating officers, including having a pencil shoved into his rectum.

Wright later claimed that his decision to join the YCV had been influenced by the Kingsmill massacre of January , when ten local Protestant civilians were killed by republicans. Wright's cousin Jim Wright, future father-in-law Billy Corrigan, and brother-in-law Leslie Corrigan, were also killed by republicans in this period. I was a Protestant and I realised that they had been killed simply because they were Protestants.

I felt it was my duty to help my people and that is what I have been doing ever since. Wright was released from the Maze Prison in Whilst inside he had nursed a deep resentment against the British state for having imprisoned him for being a loyalist.

He was met in the car park by his aunt and girlfriend. In a final act of defiance against the authorities, Wright raised his face up towards a British Army observation tower on the Maze's perimeter fence and shouted "Up the UVF".

He had been there only six weeks when he was taken in for questioning by the Anti-Terrorist Squad based at New Scotland Yard.

Although he was not charged with any offences, Wright was nonetheless handed an exclusion order banning him from Great Britain. Not long after his release from the Maze Prison, Wright was re-arrested, along with a number of UVF operatives in the area on evidence provided by Clifford McKeown, a " supergrass " within the movement. Wright was charged with murder, attempted murder, and the possession of explosives.

He was detained in Crumlin Road Prison for ten months. The cases, however, ended without any major convictions after McKeown changed his mind and ceased giving evidence. Wright returned to Portadown and initially tried to avoid paramilitarism. He found a job as an insurance salesman and married his girlfriend Thelma Corrigan, by whom he had two daughters, Sara and Ashleen.

He was regarded as a good father. As a consequence of his religious conversion, Wright eschewed the highlife favoured by many of his loyalist contemporaries such as Johnny Adair and Stephen McKeag , abstaining from alcohol, tobacco and illegal drugs.

On the one hand, he argued that his faith drove him to defend the "Protestant people of Ulster", while at the same time, he conceded that the cold-blooded murder of non-combatant civilians would ensure his damnation. You can't glorify God and seek to glorify Ulster because the challenges which are needed are paramilitary. That's a contradiction to the life God would want you to lead.

If you were to get yourself involved in paramilitary activity in its present form, or the form in which it manifested itself during the Troubles, then I don't think you could walk with God There's always the hope that in some way, someday — and there are precedents within scripture — your hope would be that God would draw you back to him.

All those who have the knowledge of Christ would seek to walk with him again. People would say, 'Billy Wright, that's impossible,' but nothing's impossible if you have faith in God. I would hope that he would allow me to come back. I'm not walking with God Without getting into doctrine, without getting too deep, it is possible to have walked with God and to fall away and still belong to God.

When asked by Dillon whether or not the conflict was a religious war, he replied: I don't think you can leave religion out of it". Angela Wright later claimed that her brother had foreseen the September 11 attacks when he told her that as she was living in New York she was abiding in a "city of sin"; he then went on to predict that the World Trade Center towers would be destroyed from the air.

In the late s, after a five-year absence from the organisation, Wright resumed his UVF activities. This was in consequence of the November Anglo-Irish Agreement which angered unionists because it gave the Irish Government an advisory role in Northern Ireland's government.

Wright rapidly ascended to a position of prominence within the UVF ranks, eventually assuming leadership of the local Portadown unit. He became commander of the UVF's Mid-Ulster Brigade in the early s, having taken over from his mentor Robin "the Jackal" Jackson , who had been the leader since July and one of Wright's instructors in the use of weaponry.

Jackson was implicated in the Dublin car bombings , the Miami Showband killings , and a series of sectarian attacks. It was a self-contained, semi-autonomous unit which maintained a considerable distance from the Brigade Staff in Belfast. Holding the rank of brigadier, Wright directed up to 20 sectarian killings, according to the Northern Ireland security forces, although he was never convicted in connection with any of them.

While most of Wright's unit's victims were Catholic civilians, some were republican paramilitaries. Wright was widely blamed by nationalists and much of the press for having led this shooting attack. During the interrogation he provided the RUC with an alibi which had placed him in Dungannon when the Cappagh attack occurred, and the RUC confirmed this. The Guardian newspaper quoted him as saying, "I would look back and say that Cappagh was probably our best".

Because of the ruthlessness of the attacks carried out by his unit, Wright struck fear into nationalists and Catholics in his area. The Cappagh killings in particular surprised the Provisional IRA East Tyrone Brigade as they had been carried out in a village which was an IRA stronghold, a departure from the usual arbitrary killings of Catholic civilians.

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Events escalated until August , when the annual Apprentice Boys of Derry march was attacked as it marched through the city's walls and past a perimeter with the nationalist Bogside. Initially some loyalist supporters had thrown pennies down from the walls onto Catholics in the Bogside. Catholics then threw nails and stones at loyalists leading to an intense confrontation starting.

Rioting quickly spread throughout nationalist areas in Northern Ireland, where at least seven were killed, and hundreds wounded. Thousands of Catholics were driven from their homes by loyalists. These events are often seen as the start of the Troubles. In a subsequent official inquiry, Lord Scarman concluded, "We are satisfied that the spread of the disturbances [in Derry in August ] owed much to a deliberate decision of some minority groups to relieve police pressure on the rioters in Londonderry.

Amongst these groups must be included NICRA, whose executive decided to organise demonstrators in the Province so as to prevent reinforcement of the police in Londonderry.

The introduction of internment was not a closely guarded secret, with newspaper editorials appearing and discussion on television. The IRA went underground or fled across the border. As a result, fewer than arrested were from the IRA.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources.

Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. October Learn how and when to remove this template message. Battle of the Bogside and Northern Ireland riots. One Europe, Many Nations: The Making of Ireland: A Very Short Introduction , pg. Retrieved 20 February Political Forces and Social Classes. Ulster Society Publications Ltd.

General Overview , Institute for Conflict Research An Analysis of Census Data' in R. Osborne editors "Religion, Education and Employment: Aspects of Equal Opportunity in Northern Ireland". Note that Coogan's list of members of what he describes as "the first committee" is not accurate: Civil Rights — "We Shall Overcome" Peace in Their Time: War and Peace in Ireland and Southern Africa.

Retrieved 18 August Cameron Report — Disturbances in Northern Ireland".

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