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The Finnish capital has announced plans to transform its existing public transport network into a comprehensive, point-to-point "mobility on demand" system by — one that, in theory, would be so good nobody would have any reason to own a car. Helsinki aims to transcend conventional public transport by allowing people to purchase mobility in real time, straight from their smartphones.
The hope is to furnish riders with an array of options so cheap, flexible and well-coordinated that it becomes competitive with private car ownership not merely on cost, but on convenience and ease of use.
Subscribers would specify an origin and a destination, and perhaps a few preferences. The app would then function as both journey planner and universal payment platform, knitting everything from driverless cars and nimble little buses to shared bikes and ferries into a single, supple mesh of mobility.
Imagine the popular transit planner Citymapper fused to a cycle hire service and a taxi app such as Hailo or Uber , with only one payment required, and the whole thing run as a public utility, and you begin to understand the scale of ambition here. That the city is serious about making good on these intentions is bolstered by the Helsinki Regional Transport Authority's rollout last year of a strikingly innovative minibus service called Kutsuplus.
Kutsuplus lets riders specify their own desired pick-up points and destinations via smartphone; these requests are aggregated, and the app calculates an optimal route that most closely satisfies all of them. All of this seems cannily calculated to serve the mobility needs of a generation that is comprehensively networked, acutely aware of motoring's ecological footprint, and — if opinion surveys are to be trusted — not particularly interested in the joys of private car ownership to begin with.
Kutsuplus comes very close to delivering the best of both worlds: But the fine details of service design for such schemes as Helsinki is proposing matter disproportionately, particularly regarding price. As things stand, Kutsuplus costs more than a conventional journey by bus, but less than a taxi fare over the same distance — and Goldilocks-style, that feels just about right.
Providers of public transit, though, have an inherent obligation to serve the entire citizenry, not merely the segment who can afford a smartphone and are comfortable with its use. In fairness, in Finland this really does mean just about everyone, but the point stands. It matters, then, whether Helsinki — and the graduate engineering student the municipality has apparently commissioned to help it design its platform — is proposing a truly collective next-generation transit system for the entire public, or just a high-spec service for the highest-margin customers.
It remains to be seen, too, whether the scheme can work effectively not merely for relatively compact central Helsinki, but in the lower-density municipalities of Espoo and Vantaa as well. Nevertheless, with the capital region's arterials and ring roads as choked as they are, it feels imperative to explore anything that has a realistic prospect of reducing the number of cars, while providing something like the same level of service.
To be sure, Helsinki is not proposing to go entirely car-free. Many people in Finland have a summer cottage in the countryside, and rely on a car to get to it. But it's clear that urban mobility badly needs to be rethought for an age of commuters every bit as networked as the vehicles and infrastructures on which they rely, but who retain expectations of personal mobility entrained by a century of private car ownership. Helsinki's initiative suggests that at least one city understands how it might do so.
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By contacting me by either phone or email , you agree to these terms and hereby agree that you are not part of any law agency using this advertisement for entrapment. Please Log-In to see more information! The Social Democratic Party gained an absolute majority in the parliamentary elections of A new Senate was formed in March by Oskari Tokoi , but it did not reflect the socialists' large parliamentary majority: In theory, the Senate consisted of a broad national coalition, but in practice with the main political groups unwilling to compromise and top politicians remaining outside of it , it proved unable to solve any major Finnish problem.
After the February Revolution, political authority descended to the street level: The February Revolution halted the Finnish economic boom caused by the Russian war-economy. The collapse in business led to unemployment and high inflation , but the employed workers gained an opportunity to resolve workplace problems. The commoners' call for the eight-hour working day , better working conditions and higher wages led to demonstrations and large-scale strikes in industry and agriculture.
While the Finns had specialised in milk and butter production, the bulk of the food supply for the country depended on cereals produced in southern Russia.
The cessation of cereal imports from disintegrating Russia led to food shortages in Finland. The Senate responded by introducing rationing and price controls. The farmers resisted the state control and a black market , accompanied by sharply rising food prices formed and export to the free market of the Petrograd area increased. Food supply, prices and, in the end, the fear of starvation became emotional political issues between farmers and urban workers, especially those who were unemployed. Common people, their fears exploited by politicians and an incendiary, polarised political media, took to the streets.
Despite the food shortages, no actual large-scale starvation hit southern Finland before the civil war and the food market remained a secondary stimulator in the power struggle of the Finnish state.
The fall of the Russian Empire opened the question of who would hold sovereign political authority in the former Grand Duchy. After decades of political disappointment, the February Revolution offered the Finnish social democrats an opportunity to govern; they held the absolute majority in Parliament. The conservatives were alarmed by the continuous increase of the socialists' influence since , which reached a climax in The "Law of Supreme Power" incorporated a plan by the socialists to substantially increase the authority of Parliament, as a reaction to the non-parliamentary and conservative leadership of the Finnish Senate between and The bill furthered Finnish autonomy in domestic affairs: The conservatives opposed the bill and some of the most right-wing representatives resigned from Parliament.
In Petrograd, the social democrats' plan had the backing of the Bolsheviks. They had been plotting a revolt against the Provisional Government since April , and pro-Soviet demonstrations during the July Days brought matters to a head. In the aftermath of these events, the "Law of Supreme Power" was overruled and the social democrats eventually backed down; more Russian troops were sent to Finland and, with the co-operation and insistence of the Finnish conservatives, Parliament was dissolved and new elections announced.
In the October elections , the social democrats lost their absolute majority, which radicalised the labour movement and decreased support for moderate politics. The crisis of July did not bring about the Red Revolution of January on its own, but together with political developments based on the commoners' interpretation of the ideas of Fennomania and socialism, the events favoured a Finnish revolution.
In order to win power, the socialists had to overcome Parliament. The February Revolution resulted in a loss of institutional authority in Finland and the dissolution of the police force, creating fear and uncertainty. In response, both the right and left assembled their own security groups, which were initially local and largely unarmed.
By late , following the dissolution of Parliament, in the absence of a strong government and national armed forces, the security groups began assuming a broader and more paramilitary character. The Civil Guards Finnish: The Workers' Order Guards Finnish: The Bolsheviks' and Vladimir Lenin's October Revolution of 7 November transferred political power in Petrograd to the radical, left-wing socialists.
The German government's decision to arrange safe conduct for Lenin and his comrades from exile in Switzerland to Petrograd in April , was a success. An armistice between Germany and the Bolshevik regime came into force on 6 December and peace negotiations began on 22 December at Brest-Litovsk.
November became another watershed in the — rivalry for the leadership of Finland. After the dissolution of the Finnish Parliament, polarisation between the social democrats and the conservatives increased markedly and the period witnessed the appearance of political violence. After political wrangling over how to react to the revolt, the majority of the politicians accepted a compromise proposal by Santeri Alkio , the leader of the Agrarian League. Parliament seized the sovereign power in Finland on 15 November based on the socialists' "Law of Supreme Power" and ratified their proposals of an eight-hour working day and universal suffrage in local elections , from July A purely non-socialist, conservative-led government of Pehr Evind Svinhufvud was appointed on 27 November.
This nomination was both a long-term aim of the conservatives and a response to the challenges of the labour movement during November Svinhufvud's main aspirations were to separate Finland from Russia, to strengthen the Civil Guards, and to return a part of Parliament's new authority to the Senate. The first attempt at serious military training among the Guards was the establishment of a strong cavalry school at the Saksanniemi estate in the vicinity of the town of Porvoo , in September After political defeats in July and October , the social democrats put forward an uncompromising program called "We Demand" Finnish: Me vaadimme ; Swedish: They insisted upon a return to the political status before the dissolution of Parliament in July , disbandment of the Civil Guards and elections to establish a Finnish Constituent Assembly.
The program failed and the socialists initiated a general strike during 14—19 November to increase political pressure on the conservatives, who had opposed the "Law of Supreme Power" and the parliamentary proclamation of sovereign power on 15 November.
Revolution became the goal of the radicalised socialists after the loss of political control, and events in November offered momentum for a socialist uprising. In this phase, Lenin and Joseph Stalin , under threat in Petrograd, urged the social democrats to take power in Finland.
The majority of Finnish socialists were moderate and preferred parliamentary methods, prompting the Bolsheviks to label them "reluctant revolutionaries". The reluctance diminished as the general strike appeared to offer a major channel of influence for the workers in southern Finland. The strike leadership voted by a narrow majority to start a revolution on 16 November, but the uprising had to be called off the same day due to the lack of active revolutionaries to execute it.
At the end of November , the moderate socialists among the social democrats won a second vote over the radicals in a debate over revolutionary versus parliamentary means, but when they tried to pass a resolution to completely abandon the idea of a socialist revolution, the party representatives and several influential leaders voted it down.
The Finnish labour movement wanted to sustain a military force of its own and to keep the revolutionary road open too. The wavering Finnish socialists disappointed V. Lenin and in turn, he began to encourage the Finnish Bolsheviks in Petrograd. Among the labour movement, a more marked consequence of the events of was the rise of the Workers' Order Guards. There were 20—60 separate guards between 31 August and 30 September , but on 20 October, after defeat in parliamentary elections, the Finnish labour movement proclaimed the need to establish more worker units.
The announcement led to a rush of recruits: Since May , the paramilitary organisations of the left had grown in two phases, the majority of them as Workers' Order Guards. The minority were Red Guards, these were partly underground groups formed in industrialised towns and industrial centres, such as Helsinki , Kotka and Tampere, based on the original Red Guards that had been built up during — in Finland.
The presence of the two opposing armed forces created a state of dual power and divided sovereignty on Finnish society. The decisive rift between the guards broke out during the general strike: In total, 34 casualties were reported.
Eventually, the political rivalries of led to an arms race and an escalation towards civil war. The disintegration of Russia offered Finns an historic opportunity to gain national independence. After the October Revolution, the conservatives were eager for secession from Russia in order to control the left and minimise the influence of the Bolsheviks. The socialists were skeptical about sovereignty under conservative rule, but they feared a loss of support among nationalistic workers, particularly after having promised increased national liberty through the "Law of Supreme Power".
Eventually, both political factions supported an independent Finland, despite strong disagreement over the composition of the nation's leadership. Nationalism had become a "civic religion" in Finland by the end of nineteenth century, but the goal during the general strike of was a return to the autonomy of —, not full independence.
In comparison to the unitary Swedish regime, the domestic power of Finns had increased under the less uniform Russian rule. Economically, the Grand Duchy of Finland benefited from having an independent domestic state budget, a central bank with national currency, the markka deployed , and customs organisation and the industrial progress of — The economy was dependent on the huge Russian market and separation would disrupt the profitable Finnish financial zone.
The economic collapse of Russia and the power struggle of the Finnish state in were among the key factors that brought sovereignty to the fore in Finland. The social democrats voted against the Senate's proposal, while presenting an alternative declaration of sovereignty.
The establishment of an independent state was not a guaranteed conclusion for the small Finnish nation. Recognition by Russia and other great powers was essential; Svinhufvud accepted that he had to negotiate with Lenin for the acknowledgement.
The socialists, having been reluctant to enter talks with the Russian leadership in July , sent two delegations to Petrograd to request that Lenin approve Finnish sovereignty. In December , Lenin was under intense pressure from the Germans to conclude peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk and the Bolsheviks' rule was in crisis, with an inexperienced administration and the demoralised army facing powerful political and military opponents. Lenin calculated that the Bolsheviks could fight for central parts of Russia but had to give up some peripheral territories, including Finland in the geopolitically less important north-western corner.
As a result, Svinhufvud's delegation won Lenin's concession of sovereignty on 31 December The United Kingdom and United States did not approve it; they waited and monitored the relations between Finland and Germany the main enemy of the Allies , hoping to override Lenin's regime and to get Russia back into the war against the German Empire.
In turn, the Germans hastened Finland's separation from Russia so as to move the country to within their sphere of influence. The final escalation towards war began in early January , as each military or political action of the Reds or the Whites resulted in a corresponding counteraction by the other. Both sides justified their activities as defensive measures, particularly to their own supporters.
On the left, the vanguard of the movement was the urban Red Guards from Helsinki , Kotka and Turku ; they led the rural Reds and convinced the socialist leaders who wavered between peace and war to support the revolution. The first local battles were fought during 9—21 January in southern and southeastern Finland, mainly to win the arms race and to control Vyborg Finnish: On 12 January , Parliament authorised the Svinhufvud Senate to establish internal order and discipline on behalf of the state.
The White Order to engage was issued on 25 January. The Whites gained weaponry by disarming Russian garrisons during 21—28 January, in particular in southern Ostrobothnia. The Red Guards, led by Ali Aaltonen , refused to recognise the Whites' hegemony and established a military authority of their own. Aaltonen installed his headquarters in Helsinki and nicknamed it Smolna echoing the Smolny Institute , the Bolsheviks' headquarters in Petrograd.
The Red Order of Revolution was issued on 26 January, and a red lantern, a symbolic indicator of the uprising, was lit in the tower of the Helsinki Workers' House.
A large-scale mobilisation of the Reds began late in the evening of 27 January, with the Helsinki Red Guard and some of the Guards located along the Vyborg-Tampere railway having been activated between 23 and 26 January, in order to safeguard vital positions and escort a heavy railroad shipment of Bolshevik weapons from Petrograd to Finland.
White troops tried to capture the shipment: At the beginning of the war, a discontinuous front line ran through southern Finland from west to east, dividing the country into White Finland and Red Finland. The Red Guards controlled the area to the south, including nearly all the major towns and industrial centres, along with the largest estates and farms with the highest numbers of crofters and tenant farmers. The White Army controlled the area to the north, which was predominantly agrarian and contained small or medium-sized farms and tenant farmers.
The number of crofters was lower and they held a better social status than those in the south. Enclaves of the opposing forces existed on both sides of the front line: The elimination of these strongholds was a priority for both armies in February Red Finland was led by the People's Delegation Finnish: The delegation sought democratic socialism based on the Finnish Social Democratic Party's ethos; their visions differed from Lenin's dictatorship of the proletariat.
Otto Ville Kuusinen formulated a proposal for a new constitution, influenced by those of Switzerland and the United States. With it, political power was to be concentrated to Parliament, with a lesser role for a government. The proposal included a multi-party system; freedom of assembly, speech and press; and the use of referenda in political decision-making.
In order to ensure the authority of the labour movement, the common people would have a right to permanent revolution. The socialists planned to transfer a substantial part of property rights to the state and local administrations. In foreign policy, Red Finland leaned on Bolshevist Russia.
The negotiations for the treaty implied that —as in World War I in general— nationalism was more important for both sides than the principles of international socialism. The Red Finns did not simply accept an alliance with the Bolsheviks and major disputes appeared, for example, over the demarcation of the border between Red Finland and Soviet Russia. Lenin's policy on the right of nations to self-determination aimed at preventing the disintegration of Russia during the period of military weakness.
He assumed that in war-torn, splintering Europe, the proletariat of free nations would carry out socialist revolutions and unite with Soviet Russia later. The majority of the Finnish labour movement supported Finland's independence.
The Finnish Bolsheviks, influential, though few in number, favoured annexation of Finland by Russia. The government of White Finland, Pehr Evind Svinhufvud's first senate , was called the Vaasa Senate after its relocation to the safer west-coast city of Vaasa, which acted as the capital of the Whites from 29 January to 3 May In domestic policy, the White Senate's main goal was to return the political right to power in Finland.
The conservatives planned a monarchist political system, with a lesser role for Parliament. A section of the conservatives had always supported monarchy and opposed democracy; others had approved of parliamentarianism since the revolutionary reform of , but after the crisis of —, concluded that empowering the common people would not work.
Social liberals and reformist non-socialists opposed any restriction of parliamentarianism. They initially resisted German military help, but the prolonged warfare changed their stance. In foreign policy, the Vaasa Senate relied on the German Empire for military and political aid. Their objective was to defeat the Finnish Reds; end the influence of Bolshevist Russia in Finland and expand Finnish territory to East Karelia , a geopolitically significant home to people speaking Finno-Ugric languages.
The weakness of Russia inspired an idea of Greater Finland among the expansionist factions of both the right and left: General Mannerheim agreed on the need to take over East Karelia and to request German weapons, but opposed actual German intervention in Finland. As a former Russian army officer, Mannerheim was well aware of the demoralisation of the Russian army.
He co-operated with White-aligned Russian officers in Finland and Russia. The number of Finnish troops on each side varied from 70, to 90, and both had around , rifles, — machine guns and a few hundred cannons. While the Red Guards consisted mostly of volunteers , with wages paid at the beginning of the war, the White Army consisted predominantly of conscripts with 11,—15, volunteers.
The main motives for volunteering were socio-economic factors, such as salary and food, as well as idealism and peer pressure.
The Red Guards included 2, women, mostly girls recruited from the industrial centres and cities of southern Finland. Urban and agricultural workers constituted the majority of the Red Guards, whereas land-owning farmers and well-educated people formed the backbone of the White Army. The use of juvenile soldiers was not rare in World War I; children of the time were under the absolute authority of adults and were not shielded against exploitation.
Rifles and machine guns from Imperial Russia were the main armaments of the Reds and the Whites. The most commonly used rifle was the Russian 7. In total, around ten different rifle models were in service, causing problems for ammunition supply.
The machine guns caused a substantial part of the casualties in combat. Russian field guns were mostly used with direct fire. The Civil War was fought primarily along railways ; vital means for transporting troops and supplies, as well for using armoured trains, equipped with light cannons and heavy machine guns. The Finnish Red Guards seized the early initiative in the war by taking control of Helsinki on 28 January and by undertaking a general offensive lasting from February till early March The Reds were relatively well armed, but a chronic shortage of skilled leaders, both at the command level and in the field, left them unable to capitalise on this momentum, and most of the offensives came to nothing.
The military chain of command functioned relatively well at company and platoon level, but leadership and authority remained weak as most of the field commanders were chosen by the vote of the troops. The common troops were more or less armed civilians, whose military training, discipline and combat morale were both inadequate and low.
Ali Aaltonen was replaced on 28 January by Eero Haapalainen as commander-in-chief. The last commander-in-chief of the Red Guard was Kullervo Manner, from 10 April until the last period of the war when the Reds no longer had a named leader.
Some talented local commanders, such as Hugo Salmela in the Battle of Tampere, provided successful leadership, but could not change the course of the war. Around 50, of the former czar's army troops were stationed in Finland in January The soldiers were demoralised and war-weary, and the former serfs were thirsty for farmland set free by the revolutions. The majority of the troops returned to Russia by the end of March In total, 7, to 10, Red Russian soldiers supported the Finnish Reds, but only around 3,, in separate, smaller units of —1, soldiers, could be persuaded to fight in the front line.
The revolutions in Russia divided the Soviet army officers politically and their attitude towards the Finnish Civil War varied. Mikhail Svechnikov led Finnish Red troops in western Finland in February and Konstantin Yeremejev Soviet forces on the Karelian Isthmus, while other officers were mistrustful of their revolutionary peers and instead co-operated with General Mannerheim, in disarming Soviet garrisons in Finland.
On 30 January , Mannerheim proclaimed to Russian soldiers in Finland that the White Army did not fight against Russia, but that the objective of the White campaign was to beat the Finnish Reds and the Soviet troops supporting them.
The number of Soviet soldiers active in the civil war declined markedly once Germany attacked Russia on 18 February The Soviets remained active on the south-eastern front, mainly in the Battle of Rautu on the Karelian Isthmus between February and April , where they defended the approaches to Petrograd. The majority of the unit arrived in Vaasa on 25 February The soldiers were similar to those of the Reds, having brief and inadequate training. At the beginning of the war, the White Guards' top leadership had little authority over volunteer White units, which obeyed only their local leaders.
White Guard leaders faced a similar problem when drafting young men to the army in February It was also uncertain whether common troops drafted from the small-sized and poor farms of central and northern Finland had strong enough motivation to fight the Finnish Reds. The Whites' propaganda promoted the idea that they were fighting a defensive war against Bolshevist Russians, and belittled the role of the Red Finns among their enemies.
The economy and society of the north had modernised more slowly than that of the south. There was a more pronounced conflict between Christianity and socialism in the north, and the ownership of farmland conferred major social status , motivating the farmers to fight against the Reds. General opinion, in particular among the Swedish elite, was divided between supporters of the Allies and the Central powers , Germanism being somewhat more popular.
Three war-time priorities determined the pragmatic policy of the Swedish liberal-social democratic government: The government accepted the participation of Swedish volunteer officers and soldiers in the Finnish White Army in order to block expansion of revolutionary unrest to Scandinavia.
A 1,strong paramilitary Swedish Brigade , led by Hjalmar Frisell , took part in the Battle of Tampere and in the fighting south of the town. The Swedish socialists tried to open peace negotiations between the Whites and the Reds. Finnish activists leaning on Germanism had been seeking German aid in freeing Finland from Soviet hegemony since late , but because of the pressure they were facing at the Western Front , the Germans did not want to jeopardise their armistice and peace negotiations with the Soviet Union.
The German stance changed after 10 February when Leon Trotsky , despite the weakness of the Bolsheviks' position, broke off negotiations, hoping revolutions would break out in the German Empire and change everything. On 13 February, the German leadership decided to retaliate and send military detachments to Finland too. As a pretext for aggression, the Germans invited "requests for help" from the western neighbouring countries of Russia.
Representatives of White Finland in Berlin duly requested help on 14 February. The offensive led to a rapid collapse of the Soviet forces and to the signing of the first Treaty of Brest-Litovsk by the Bolsheviks on 3 March Finland, the Baltic countries, Poland and Ukraine were transferred to the German sphere of influence. The Finnish Civil War opened a low-cost access route to Fennoscandia , where the geopolitical status was altered as a British Naval squadron invaded the Soviet harbour of Murmansk by the Arctic Ocean on 9 March The leader of the German war effort, General Erich Ludendorff , wanted to keep Petrograd under threat of attack via the Vyborg-Narva area and to install a German-led monarchy in Finland.
Abteilung-Brandenstein taking the town of Loviisa east of Helsinki. The larger German formations advanced eastwards from Hanko and took Helsinki on 12—13 April, while Detachment Brandenstein overran the town of Lahti on 19 April.
The final blow to the cause of the Finnish Reds was dealt when the Bolsheviks broke off the peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk, leading to the German eastern offensive in February In February , General Mannerheim deliberated on where to focus the general offensive of the Whites. There were two strategically vital enemy strongholds: Tampere, Finland's major industrial town in the south-west, and Vyborg, Karelia's main city. Although seizing Vyborg offered many advantages, his army's lack of combat skills and the potential for a major counterattack by the Reds in the area or in the south-west made it too risky.
Mannerheim decided to strike first at Tampere. Although the Whites were unaccustomed to offensive warfare, some Red Guard units collapsed and retreated in panic under the weight of the offensive, while other Red detachments defended their posts to the last and were able to slow the advance of the White troops. Eventually, the Whites lay siege to Tampere. The Battle for Tampere was fought between 16, White and 14, Red soldiers. It was Finland's first large-scale urban battle and one of the four most decisive military engagements of the war.
The fight for the area of Tampere began on 28 March, on the eve of Easter , later called "Bloody Maundy Thursday ", in the Kalevankangas cemetery. The White Army did not achieve a decisive victory in the fierce combat, suffering more than 50 percent losses in some of their units. The Whites had to re-organise their troops and battle plans, managing to raid the town centre in the early hours of 3 April. After a heavy, concentrated artillery barrage , the White Guards advanced from house to house and street to street, as the Red Guards retreated.
In the late evening of 3 April, the Whites reached the eastern banks of the Tammerkoski rapids. The Reds' attempts to break the siege of Tampere from the outside along the Helsinki-Tampere railway failed.
The Red Guards lost the western parts of the town between 4 and 5 April. The Tampere City Hall was among the last strongholds of the Reds. The battle ended 6 April with the surrender of Red forces in the Pyynikki and Pispala sections of Tampere.
The Reds, now on the defensive, showed increased motivation to fight during the battle. The Battle of Tampere was the bloodiest action of the Civil War. The Red Guards lost 1,—1, soldiers, with a further 11,—12, captured. The eastern parts of the city, consisting mostly of wooden buildings, were completely destroyed. After peace talks between Germans and the Finnish Reds were broken off on 11 April , the battle for the capital of Finland began. The Germans broke through the area between Munkkiniemi and Pasila , and advanced on the central-western parts of the town.
The German naval squadron led by Vice Admiral Hugo Meurer blocked the city harbour, bombarded the southern town area, and landed Seebataillon marines at Katajanokka.
Around 7, Finnish Reds defended Helsinki, but their best troops fought on other fronts of the war. By the late evening of 12 April, most of the southern parts and all of the western area of the city had been occupied by the Germans. Local Helsinki White Guards, having hidden in the city during the war, joined the battle as the Germans advanced through the town.
Toward the end, a German brigade with 2,—3, soldiers, led by Colonel Kondrad Wolf joined the battle. German artillery bombarded and destroyed the Workers' Hall and put out the red lantern of the Finnish revolution. The eastern parts of the town surrendered around Sporadic fighting lasted until the evening. In total, 60 Germans, — Reds and 23 White Guard troopers were killed in the battle.
Around 7, Reds were captured. The German army celebrated the victory with a military parade in the centre of Helsinki on 14 April On 19 April , Detachment Brandenstein took over the town of Lahti. The battle was minor but strategically important as it cut the connection between the western and eastern Red Guards. Local engagements broke out in the town and the surrounding area between 22 April and 1 May as several thousand western Red Guards and Red civilian refugees tried to push through on their way to Russia.
The German troops were able to hold major parts of the town and halt the Red advance. In total, Reds and 80 German soldiers perished, and 30, Reds were captured in and around Lahti. After the defeat in Tampere, the Red Guards began a slow retreat eastwards. As the German army seized Helsinki, the White Army shifted the military focus to Vyborg area, where 18, Whites advanced against 15, defending Reds. General Mannerheim's war plan had been revised as a result of the Battle for Tampere, a civilian, industrial town.
He aimed to avoid new, complex city combat in Vyborg, an old military fortress. The Whites were able to cut the Reds' connection to Petrograd and weaken the troops on the Karelian Isthmus on 20—26 April, but the decisive blow remained to be dealt in Vyborg.
In total, Whites died, and — Reds perished and 12,—15, were captured. Both Whites and Reds carried out political violence through executions, respectively termed White Terror Finnish: The threshold of political violence had already been crossed by the Finnish activists during the First Period of Russification. Large-scale terror operations were born and bred in Europe during World War I, the first total war.
The February and October Revolutions initiated similar violence in Finland: The terror consisted of a calculated aspect of general warfare and, on the other hand, the local, personal murders and corresponding acts of revenge. In the former, the commanding staff planned and organised the actions and gave orders to the lower ranks.
At least a third of the Red terror and most of the White terror was centrally led. This order authorised field commanders to execute essentially anyone they saw fit.
No order by the less-organised, highest Red Guard leadership authorising Red Terror has been found. The paper was "burned" or the command was oral.
The main goals of the terror were to destroy the command structure of the enemy; to clear and secure the areas governed and occupied by armies; and to create shock and fear among the civil population and the enemy soldiers. Additionally, the common troops' paramilitary nature and their lack of combat skills drove them to use political violence as a military weapon. Most of the executions were carried out by cavalry units called Flying Patrols, consisting of 10 to 80 soldiers aged 15 to 20 and led by an experienced, adult leader with absolute authority.
The patrols, specialised in search and destroy operations and death squad tactics, were similar to German Sturmbattalions and Russian Assault units organized during World War I.
The terror achieved some of its objectives but also gave additional motivation to fight against an enemy perceived to be inhuman and cruel. Both Red and White propaganda made effective use of their opponents' actions, increasing the spiral of revenge. The Red Guards executed influential Whites, including politicians, major landowners, industrialists, police officers, civil servants and teachers as well as White Guards.
Ten priests of the Evangelical Lutheran Church and 90 moderate socialists were killed. The number of executions varied over the war months, peaking in February as the Reds secured power, but March saw low counts because the Reds could not seize new areas outside of the original frontlines.
The numbers rose again in April as the Reds aimed to leave Finland. The White Guards executed Red Guard and party leaders, Red troops, socialist members of the Finnish Parliament and local Red administrators, and those active in implementing Red Terror.
The numbers varied over the months as the Whites conquered southern Finland. Comprehensive White Terror started with their general offensive in March and increased constantly. It peaked at the end of the war and declined and ceased after the enemy troops had been transferred to prison camps.
During the high point of the executions, between the end of April and the beginning of May, Reds were shot per day. White Terror was decisive against Russian soldiers who assisted the Finnish Reds, and several Russian non-socialist civilians were killed in the Vyborg massacre , the aftermath of the Battle of Vyborg. In total, 1, Whites died as a result of Red Terror, while around 10, Reds perished by White Terror, which turned into political cleansing.
White victims have been recorded exactly, while the number of Red troops executed immediately after battles remains unclear. Together with the harsh prison-camp treatment of the Reds during , the executions inflicted the deepest mental scars on the Finns, regardless of their political allegiance. Some of those who carried out the killings were traumatised, a phenomenon that was later documented. On 8 April , after the defeat in Tampere and the German army intervention, the People's Delegation retreated from Helsinki to Vyborg.
The loss of Helsinki pushed them to Petrograd on 25 April. The escape of the leadership embittered many Reds, and thousands of them tried to flee to Russia, but most of the refugees were encircled by White and German troops. In the Lahti area they surrendered on 1—2 May.
The scene was described as a "road of tears" for the Reds, but for the Whites, the sight of long, enemy caravans heading east was a victorious moment.
The war of ended on 15 May , when the Whites took over Fort Ino , a Russian coastal artillery base on the Karelian Isthmus, from the Russian troops. White Finland and General Mannerheim celebrated the victory with a large military parade in Helsinki on 16 May The Red Guards had been defeated.
The initially pacifist Finnish labour movement had lost the Civil War, several military leaders committed suicide and a majority of the Reds were sent to prison camps.
The Vaasa Senate returned to Helsinki on 4 May , but the capital was under the control of the German army.
State Senator Joan Huffman, District Senator Joan Huffman started her career as a public servant in Upon earning her undergraduate degree from Louisiana State University, she became a secretary for the Harris County District Attorney’s office. The US president should not attempt a grand bargain in Helsinki. "Sowing the Seeds of Love" is a song by the British group Tears for Fears. It was released as the first single from their album The Seeds of Love, and was a worldwide hit, reaching the top five in the UK, Canada (where it was #1), Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, and the US where it peaked at number two on the Billboard Hot (kept out from the top spot by Janet Jackson's.